A nice little thought piece from Le Monde>


                                        LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE - January 1999

      LEADER

                             Towards a new century

  by IGNACIO RAMONET

     As we approach the start of a new century, how best to sum up the
     state of the world in which we live? The United States now
     dominates the world as no country has done before. It has
     overwhelming supremacy in the five key areas of power: political,
     economic, technological, cultural and military. In the Middle East
     it has just given the world a threefold display of its hegemony:
     bombing Iraq and its people without serious cause, ignoring (if not
     dismissing) international legality embodied in the United Nations,
     and enrolling the once proud forces of Great Britain as simple
     auxiliaries.

     But this display of power is deceptive. The US does not have the
     option of occupying Iraq militarily, even if technically it can do
     so. Military supremacy does not automatically translate into
     territorial conquests which have become politically non-viable, too
     costly, and disastrous in media terms. The media now have a prime
     strategic role. As Secretary of State Madeleine Albright has put
     it, CNN has become the sixth member of the UN Security Council.

     What's more, in this neo-liberal age being a superpower doesn't
     guarantee a decent level of human development. The US has 32
     million people with a life expectancy of less than 60 years; 40
     million without medical cover; 45 million living below the poverty
     line; and 52 million who cannot read or write. And the European
     Union, with its euro and all its wealth, has 50 million people
     living in poverty and 18 million unemployed.

     All over the world, poverty is the rule and a decent income the
     exception. Inequality has become one of the abiding characteristics
     of our time. And it is getting worse, as the gap between rich and
     poor increases. The 225 largest fortunes in the world total more
     than $1,000 billion - equivalent to the annual income of 47% of the
     poorest of the world population (2.5 billion people). We now have
     individuals who are richer than whole countries: the wealth of the
     world's 15 richest people exceeds the total GDP of sub-Saharan
     Africa.

     Since the start of the 20th century the number of countries has
     grown from about 40 to nearly 200 (see Pascal Boniface's article in
     this issue). Yet our world continues to be dominated by the same
     seven or eight countries that were running it at the end of the
     19th century. Out of the dozens of states that emerged from the
     dismantling of the old colonial empires, just three (South Korea,
     Singapore and Taiwan) have reached levels of development comparable
     with those of the information-economy countries. The others are
     stuck in a state of chronic underdevelopment.

     It will be extremely hard for them to break out of this since the
     raw materials on which most of their economies depend are falling
     dramatically in price. And some natural materials (metals and
     fibres) are now either falling out of use or being replaced with
     substitutes. In Japan for instance, consumption of raw materials by
     unit of production has fallen by 40% since 1973.

     The new wealth of nations is built on brains, know-how, research
     and the capacity for innovation, and no longer on the production of
     raw materials. You could even say that in the post-industrial age
     the three traditional measures of power - the size of a country,
     its population and its wealth in terms of raw materials - are no
     longer advantages but handicaps. Countries that are large, heavily
     populated and rich in raw materials - like India, China, Brazil,
     Nigeria, Indonesia, Pakistan, Mexico and Russia - are paradoxically
     among the world's poorest. The United States is the exception that
     no longer confirms the rule.

     There is an increasing air of generalised chaos afflicting more and
     more countries with economic stagnation or endemic violence (since
     1989, the end of the cold war, there have been around 60 separate
     armed conflicts, leading to hundreds of thousands of deaths and
     more than 17 million refugees). It has got to the point where (in
     the Comoros and Puerto Rico, for instance) we are seeing people
     turning their backs on the struggle for independence and calling
     for a return of the old colonial power or absorption into the
     metropolitan country... The third world has ceased to exist as a
     political entity.

     All this gives a sense of the crisis of politics and the
     nation-state at a time when the second industrial revolution, the
     globalisation of the economy and major technological change are
     transforming the world as we know it. There is also an upsurge in
     the number of giant firms whose economic weight is sometimes
     greater than that of whole countries. The turnover of General
     Motors, for instance, exceeds the GDP of Denmark; Exxon-Mobil's
     turnover is greater than that of Austria. Each of the world's 100
     largest companies sells more than any of the 120 poorest countries
     in the world export. And the 23 most powerful sell more than
     Southern giants such as India, Brazil, Indonesia or Mexico. These
     firms now control 70% of the world's trade.

     The people running these companies and the big finance and media
     groups have power in the real sense of the word. Through their
     powerful lobbying activities they exercise a huge weight on
     political decision-making. They can use democracy for their own
     ends.

     Just when they are most needed, the traditional countervailing
     powers (political parties, trade unions, a free press) are not much
     in evidence. Yet people long to hear of bold great initiatives that
     will, in the coming century, re-establish the precedence of the
     social contract over the private one.

                                                  Translated by Ed Emery

     _________________________________________________________________

              ALL RIGHTS RESERVED © 1999 Le Monde diplomatique

<http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/en/1999/01/01leader.html>




Reply via email to