>Date: Mon, 18 Jan 1999 13:24:40 -0500
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>From: Robert Weissman <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>To: Multiple recipients of list CORP-FOCUS <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>Subject: The Insanity Defense
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>Need a definition for Washington?
>
>Try institutional insanity.
>
>Consider this: The United States, the world's only remaining military
>superpower, is about to embark on a military buildup unmatched since the
>peak of the Reagan-era Cold War.
>
>President Clinton is preparing to propose a boost in the defense budget of
>$112 billion over six years --  on top of the already monstrous $265
>billion of federal money spent annually on the military. The weapons
>procurement budget alone is scheduled to grow 50 percent in the next half
>decade. And the Congressional Republicans are set to demand an even
>greater jump in military spending.
>
>What's happened, you might ask: Was there a coup in Russia? Has the Cold
>War resumed?
>
>Uh, no. It is not the Empire that's struck again, itUs the
>military-industrial complex.
>
>During the Clinton presidency, the U.S. defense industry -- with
>encouragement and subsidies from the Pentagon --  has undergone an
>ear-splitting consolidation that has left but three major contractors:
>Lockheed Martin, Boeing and Raytheon. Today's Lockheed Martin is the
>product of the merger of Lockheed, Martin Marietta, Loral and parts of
>General Dynamics. Boeing leaped to the top tier of the contractor pack
>with its acquisition of McDonnell Douglas. Raytheon gobbled up Hughes.
>
>With manufacturing facilities spread across the United States, these three
>companies now have enormous political influence -- they can promise that
>new military contracts will mean jobs in the districts of hundreds of
>members of Congress, and in nearly every state. They supplement this
>structural power with huge campaign contributions -- more than $8.5
>million  in the 1997-1998 electoral cycle, according to the Center for
>Responsive politics -- and even bigger lobbying investments -- nearly $50
>million in 1997 alone, according to the Center. To complete the package,
>the industry invests in a variety of hawkish policy institutes and front
>groups, all of which churn reports, issue alerts, factsheets,
>congressional testimony and op-eds on the critical need for more, and
>more, and more defense spending.
>
>Combined with the powerful lobby from the Pentagon and its chicken-little
>worries about shortcomings in U.S. military "readiness" and the ability of
>the United States to fight two major wars simultaneously, the defense
>contractors have successfully positioned themselves to reap the benefits
>of a new explosion in military spending.
>
>As William Hartung of the World Policy Institute notes in a new report,
>"Military Industrial Complex Revisited," nothing indicates the power of
>the contractor lobby more than its ability to extract more money from
>Congress for weapons purchases than the Pentagon itself has requested.
>
>Hartung highlights the example of the C-130 transport plane, which is made
>by Lockheed Martin just outside of the congressional district of former
>Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich. In the last 20 years, the U.S. Air
>Force has asked for five C-130s, but Congress has funded 256. "This ratio
>of 50 planes purchased for every one requested by the Pentagon may well be
>a record in the annals of pork barrel politics," Hartung writes. The
>C-130s go for about $75 million a piece.
>
>Even more remarkable, perhaps, is the "Star Wars" program. With the
>collapse of the Soviet Union, the program's original mission no longer
>exists. Although the Pentagon has poured $55 billion  into the program in
>a decade and a half, as Hartung notes, it has been a miserable failure in
>technical terms. Undeterred, the Congressional leadership added an extra
>$1 billion in Star Wars funding in the 1999 federal budget. Chalk up
>another victory for Lockheed and Boeing.
>
>But nothing compares to bonanza that the defense sector is about to reap.
>Without even the bogeyman of a perceived Soviet threat and in a time of
>rigid adherence to budget austerity, the weapons makers and their allies
>are about to usher in a new era of military profligacy and industrial
>waste.
>
>With the U.S. infrastructure crumbling, its Medicare system imperiled,
>child poverty at unconscionable levels in a time of unparalleled economic
>expansion and global warming threatening the well-being of the entire
>planet, a remotely sensible version of "national security"  would
>prioritize these concerns over maintaining the military budget at current
>levels, let alone increasing it.
>
>Unfortunately, the lobbies for public works, the sick and aged, the poor
>and the environment cannot match the influence of the weapons makers.
>Their urgings that the federal government invest to address real problems
>that trouble the entire society, or at least large segments of it, are
>dismissed as "unreasonable."
>
>In Washington, where things are upside down, it is the madmen in the
>Pentagon and at Lockheed Martin who are considered reasonable.
>
>Russell Mokhiber is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based Corporate Crime
>Reporter. Robert Weissman is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based
>Multinational Monitor.
>
>(c) Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman
>
>Focus on the Corporation is a weekly column written by Russell Mokhiber
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