To paraphrase a journo proverb:  "If there's no terrorism, make terrorism."
Any similarities to the Israeli situation are pure coincidence, of course.


http://rawstory.com/news/2005/CAUGHT_RED__0923.html

BRITISH UNDERCOVER OPERATIVES IN IRAQ
        by Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed
__________
Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed is executive director of the Institute for Policy
Research & Development, London. He teaches courses in political theory,
international relations and contemporary history at the School of Social
Sciences and Cultural Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton.
 Ahmed is the author of The War on Freedom: How & Why America was
Attacked, September 11, 2001 and Behind the War on Terror: Western Secret
Strategy and the Struggle for Iraq.
 His latest book is The War on Truth: 9/11, Disinformation and the Anatomy
of Terrorism.
================

Reuters photos of weapons found by Iraqi police on the arrested operatives
are viewable here.(javascript link at
http://www.rawstory.com/admin/story.php?story=398  )

Basra is relatively stable compared to central Iraq where violence
involving insurgents, civilians and coalition forces is a daily routine.
The city has rarely been a site of clashes between insurgents and
coalition troops, nor is it a victim of regular terrorist attacks. This
week, however, things changed, but not thanks to Zarqawi and his al-Qaeda
ilk.

On Monday, two British soldiers were arrested and detained by Iraqi police
in Basra. Within a matter of hours, the British military responded with
overwhelming force, despite subsequent denials by the Ministry of Defence,
which insisted that the two men had been retrieved solely through
"negotiations."

British military officials, including Brigadier John Lorimer, told BBC
News (9/20/05) that the British Army had stormed an Iraqi police station
to locate the detainees. Ministry of Defence sources confirmed that
"British vehicles" had attempted to "maintain a cordon" outside the police
station.

After British Army tanks "flattened the wall" of the station, UK troops
"broke into the police station to confirm the men were not there" and then
"staged a rescue from a house in Basra", according a commanding officer
familiar with the operation. Both men, British defence sources told the
BBC's Richard Galpin in Baghdad, were "members of the SAS elite special
forces." After their arrest, the soldiers were over to the local militia.

What had prompted this bizarre turn of events? Why had the Iraqi police
forces, which normally work in close cooperation with coalition military
forces, arrested two British SAS soldiers, and then handed them over to
the local militia? A review of the initial on-the-ground reports leads to
a clearer picture.

Fancy Dress and Big Guns Don't Mix

According to the BBC's Galpin, reporting for BBC Radio 4 (9/20/05, 18 hrs
news script), Iraqi police sources in Basra told the BBC the "two British
men were arrested after failing to stop at a checkpoint. There was an
exchange of gunfire. The men were wearing traditional Arab clothing, and
when the police eventually stopped them, they said they found explosives
and weapons in their car -- It's widely believed the two British
servicemen were operating undercover."

Undercover? Dressed as Arabs? What were they trying to do that had caught
the attention of their colleagues, the Iraqi police?

According to the Washington Post (9/20/05), "Iraqi security officials on
Monday variously accused the two Britons they detained of shooting at
Iraqi forces or trying to plant explosives." Reuters (9/19/05) cited
police, local officials and other witnesses who confirmed that "the two
undercover soldiers were arrested after opening fire on Iraqi police who
approached them." Officials said that "the men were wearing traditional
Arab headscarves and sitting in an unmarked car."

According to Mohammed al-Abadi, an official in the Basra governorate, A
policeman approached them and then one of these guys fired at him. Then
the police managed to capture them.

Booby-trapped Brits?

In an interview with Al Jazeerah TV, the popular Iraqi leader Fattah
al-Sheikh, a member of the Iraqi National Assembly and deputy official in
the Basra governorate, said that police had "caught two non-Iraqis, who
seem to be Britons and were in a car of the Cressida type. It was a
booby-trapped car laden with ammunition and was meant to explode in the
centre of the city of Basra in the popular market." Contrary to British
authorities' claims that the soldiers had been immediately handed to local
militia, al-Sheikh confirmed that they were "at the Intelligence
Department in Basra, and they were held by the National Guard force, but
the British occupation forces are still surrounding this department in an
attempt to absolve them of the crime."

The Special Reconnaissance Regiment and British Covert Operations

British defence sources told the Scotsman (9/20/05) that the soldiers were
part of an "undercover special forces detachment" set up this year to
"bridge the intelligence void in Basra, drawing on 'special forces'
experience in Northern Ireland and Aden, where British troops went 'deep'
undercover in local communities to try to break the code of silence
against foreign forces."

These elite forces operate under the Special Reconnaissance Regiment and
were formed last year by then defence secretary, Geoff Hoon, "to gather
human intelligence during counter-terrorist missions."

The question, of course, is how does firing at Iraqi police while dressed
as Arabs and carrying explosives constitute "countering terrorism" or even
gathering "intelligence"?

The admission by British defence officials is revealing. A glance at the
Special Reconnaissance Regiment gives a more concrete idea of the sort of
operations these two British soldiers were involved in.

The Regiment, formed recently, is "modelled on an undercover unit that
operated in Northern Ireland" according to Whitehall sources. The Regiment
had "absorbed the 14th Intelligence Company, known as '14 Int,' a
plainclothes unit set up to gather intelligence covertly on suspect
terrorists in Northern Ireland. Its recruits are trained by the SAS."

This is the same Regiment that was involved in the unlawful July 22
execution - multiple head-shots - of the innocent Brazilian, Mr. Jean
Charles de Menezes, after he boarded a tube train in Stockwell Underground
station.

According to Detective Sergeant Nicholas Benwell, member of the Scotland
Yard team that had been investigating the activities of an ultra-secret
wing of British military intelligence, the Force Research Unit (FRU), the
team found that "military intelligence was colluding with terrorists to
help them kill so-called 'legitimate targets' such as active
republicans... many of the victims of these government-backed hit squads
were innocent civilians."

Benwell's revelations were corroborated in detail by British double agent
Kevin Fulton, who was recruited to the FRU in 1981, when he began to
infiltrate the ranks of IRA. In his role as a British FRU agent inside the
IRA, he was told by his military intelligence handlers to "do anything" to
win the confidence of the terrorist group.

"I mixed explosive and I helped develop new types of bombs," he told
Scotland's Sunday Herald (6/23/02). "I moved weapons if you ask me if the
materials I handled killed anyone, then I will have to say that some of
the things I helped develop did kill my handlers knew everything I did. I
was never told not to do something that was discussed. How can you pretend
to be a terrorist and not act like one? You can't. Youve got to do what
they do They did a lot of murders I broke the law seven days a week and my
handlers knew that. They knew that I was making bombs and giving them to
other members of the IRA and they did nothing about it The idea was that
the only way to beat the enemy was to penetrate the enemy and be the
enemy."

Most startlingly, Fulton said that his handlers told him his operations
were "sanctioned right at the top this goes the whole way to the Prime
Minister. The Prime Minister knows what you are doing."

Zarqawi, Ba'athists and the Seeds of Discord

So, based on the methodology of their Regiment, the two British SAS
operatives were in Iraq to "penetrate the enemy and be the enemy," in
order of course to "beat the enemy." Instead of beating the enemy,
however, they ended up fomenting massive chaos and killing innocent
people, a familiar pattern for critical students of the British role in
the Northern Ireland conflict.

In November 2004, a joint statement was released on several Islamist
websites on behalf of al-Qaeda's man in Iraq, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, and
Saddam Hussein's old Ba'ath Party loyalists. Zarqawis network had "joined
other extremist Islamists and Saddam Hussein's old Baath party to threaten
increased attacks on US-led forces." Zarqawi's group said they signed "the
statement written by the Iraqi Baath party, not because we support the
party or Saddam, but because it expresses the demands of resistance groups
in Iraq."

The statement formalized what had been known for a year already that, as
post-Saddam Iraqi intelligence and US military officials told the London
Times (8/9/2003), "Al Qaeda terrorists who have infiltrated Iraq from
Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries have formed an alliance with former
intelligence agents of Saddam Hussein to fight their common enemy, the
American forces." Al Qaeda leaders "recruit from the pool" of Saddam's
former "security and intelligence officers who are unemployed and
embittered by their loss of status." After vetting, "they begin
Al-Qaeda-style training, such as how to make remote-controlled bombs."

Yet Pakistani military sources revealed in February 2005 that the US has
"resolved to arm small militias backed by US troops and entrenched in the
population," consisting of "former members of the Ba'ath Party" the same
people already teamed up with Zarqawi's al-Qaeda network.

In a highly clandestine operation, the US procured Pakistan-manufactured
weapons, including rifles, rocket-propelled grenade launchers, ammunition,
rockets and other light weaponry. A Pakistani military analyst noted that
the arms could not be destined for the Iraqi security forces because US
arms would be given to them. Rather, the US is playing a double-game to
head off the threat of a Shiite clergy-driven religious movement in other
words, to exacerbate the deterioration of security by penetrating,
manipulating and arming the terrorist insurgency.

What could be the end-game of such a covert strategy? The view
on-the-ground in Iraq, among both Sunnis and Shi'ites, is worth noting.
Sheikh Jawad al-Kalesi, the Shi'ite Imam of the al-Kadhimiyah mosque in
Baghdad, told Le Monde: "I dont think that Abu Musab al-Zarqawi exists as
such. He's simply an invention by the occupiers to divide the people."

Iraq's most powerful Sunni Arab religious authority, the Association of
Muslim Scholars, concurs, condemning the call to arms against Shiites as a
very dangerous phenomenon that plays into the hands of the occupier who
wants to split up the country and spark a sectarian war. In colonial
terms, the strategy is known as divide and rule.

Whether or not Zarqawi can be said to exist, it is indeed difficult to
avoid the conclusion that this interpretation is plausible. It seems the
only ones who don't understand the clandestine dynamics of Anglo-American
covert strategy in Iraq are we, the people, in the west. Its high time we
got informed.





~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
SpamWall: Mail to this addy is deleted unread unless it contains the keyword
"igve".


_______________________________________________
Futurework mailing list
[email protected]
http://fes.uwaterloo.ca/mailman/listinfo/futurework

Reply via email to