<<Never in the history of the United States had so many leading Congress
members from both parties pledged their support for an organization under
suspicion of spying, based only on information supplied by the suspect and
in total ignorance of the federal prosecutor's case. Contrary to the
bipartisan Congressional support for AIPAC, a poll of likely voters found
that 61% believed that AIPAC should be asked to register as an agent of a
foreign power and lose its tax exempt status. Only 12% disagreed. Among
American Jews, 59% were not sure, while 15% strongly agreed and 15% strongly
disagreed (Zogby International, Sept. 25, 2004). Clearly many Americans have
serious doubts about the loyalty and nature of AIPAC activities, contrary to
their elected representatives. The federal spy investigation proceeded
despite Executive and Congressional opposition, knowing that it had the
backing of the great majority of US citizens.>>

<<In the almost two years since Rosen and Weissman came into the public
limelight as spy suspects, AIPAC has successfully fended off adverse
publicity by mobilizing leading politicians, party leaders and senior
members of the Bush Administration to give public testimonials on its
behalf. It successfully dumped Rosen and Weissman and pushed ahead with
lining up the US Congress with Israel's pro-war agenda against Iran.>>

<<You are either for America or for AIPAC. If the accused spies are convicted
and AIPAC is implicated a clear choice will be posed to US politicians:
Either standing up for a democratic foreign policy or further burying their
heads in the slush money trough of agents of a foreign power and once more
showing their backsides to the American people.>>


http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=25347

AIPAC on trial: them or US

   James Petras
   Rebelión

In August 2004, the FBI and the US Justice Department counter-intelligence
bureau announced that they were investigating a top Pentagon analyst
suspected of spying for Israel and handing over highly confidential
documents on US policy toward Iran to AIPAC which in turn handed them over
to the Israeli Embassy. The FBI had been covertly investigating senior
Pentagon analyst, Larry Franklin and AIPAC leaders, Steven Rosen and Keith
Weissman for several years prior to their indictment for spying. On August
29, 2005 the Israeli Embassy predictably hotly denied the spy allegation. On
the same day Larry Franklin was publicly named as a spy suspect. Franklin
worked closely with Michael Ledeen and Douglas Feith, then Undersecretary
for Defense in the Pentagon, in fabricating the case for war with Iraq.
Franklin was the senior analyst on Iran, which is at the top of AIPAC's list
of targets for war.

As the investigation proceeded toward formal charges of espionage, the
pro-Israeli think tanks and 'Zioncon' ideologues joined in a two-prong
response. On the one hand some questioned whether "handing over documents"
was a crime at all, claiming it involved "routine exchanges of ideas" and
lobbying. On the other hand, Israeli officials and media denied any Israeli
connection with Franklin, minimizing his importance in policy-making
circles, while others vouched for his integrity.

The FBI investigation of the Washington spy network deepened and included
the interrogation of two senior members of Feith's Office of Special Plans,
William Luti and Harold Rhode. The OSP was responsible for feeding bogus
intelligence leading to the US attack of Iraq. The leading FBI investigator,
Dave Szady, stated that the FBI investigation involved wiretaps, undercover
surveillance and photography that document the passing of classified
information from Franklin to the men at AIPAC and on to the Israelis.

The Franklin-AIPAC-Israeli investigation was more than a spy case, it
involved the future of US-Middle East relations and more specifically
whether the 'Zioncons' would be able to push the US into a military
confrontation with Iran. Franklin was a top Pentagon analyst on Iran, with
access to all the executive branch deliberations on Iran. AIPAC lobbying and
information gathering was aggressively directed toward pushing the Israeli
agenda on a US-Iranian confrontation against strong opposition in the State
Department, CIA, military intelligence and field commanders.

Franklin's arrest on May 4, 2005 and the subsequent arrest of AIPAC foreign
policy research director Steve Rosen and Iran specialist and deputy director
for foreign policy, Keith Weissman on August 4, 2005 was a direct blow to
the Israeli-AIPAC war agenda for the US. The FBI investigation proceeded
with caution accumulating detailed intelligence over several years. Prudence
was dictated by the tremendous political influence that AIPAC and its allies
among the Conference of the Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations wield
in Congress, the media and among Fundamentalist Christians and which could
be brought to bear when the accused spies were brought to trial.

The first blow was struck on August 29, 2004, when CBS publicized the FBI
investigation just when Franklin confessed to have passed highly
confidential documents to a member of the Israeli government and began
cooperating with federal agents. He was prepared to lead authorities to his
contacts inside the Israeli government. Subsequently Franklin stopped
cooperating. The Anti-Defamation League's (a leading Jewish pro-Israeli
lobby) Abe Foxman called for a special prosecutor to investigate "leaks" of
the FBI investigation, because they were "tarnishing" Israel's image (called
"magna chutzpah"). Then Attorney General Ashcroft intervened to try to apply
the brakes to the investigation, which spread into the 'Zioncon' nest in the
Pentagon: Feith, Wolfowitz, Perle, and Rubin were "interviewed" by the FBI.
Zioncon, Michael Rubin, former Pentagon specialist on Iran and resident
"scholar" at the American Enterprise Institute, blasted Bush for "inaction
in the spy affair" and called the investigation an "anti-Semitic witch hunt"
(Forward Sept. 10, 2004). AIPAC launched a massive campaign against the spy
probe and in support of its activities and leaders. As a result scores of
leading Congress members from both parties vouched for AIPAC's integrity and
pledged their confidence and support of AIPAC.

Never in the history of the United States had so many leading Congress
members from both parties pledged their support for an organization under
suspicion of spying, based only on information supplied by the suspect and
in total ignorance of the federal prosecutor's case. Contrary to the
bipartisan Congressional support for AIPAC, a poll of likely voters found
that 61% believed that AIPAC should be asked to register as an agent of a
foreign power and lose its tax exempt status. Only 12% disagreed. Among
American Jews, 59% were not sure, while 15% strongly agreed and 15% strongly
disagreed (Zogby International, Sept. 25, 2004). Clearly many Americans have
serious doubts about the loyalty and nature of AIPAC activities, contrary to
their elected representatives. The federal spy investigation proceeded
despite Executive and Congressional opposition, knowing that it had the
backing of the great majority of US citizens.

In December 2004, the FBI subpoenaed 4 senior staffers at AIPAC to appear
before a grand jury and searched the Washington office of the pro-Israel
lobby seeking additional files on Rosen and Weissman.

AIPAC continued to deny any wrongdoing, stating: "Neither AIPAC nor any
member of our staff has broken any law. We believe any court of law or grand
jury will conclude that AIPAC employees have always acted legally, properly
and appropriately" (AIPAC December 1, 2004). Nevertheless a few months into
the investigation and with the arrest of the two top leaders, AIPAC
terminated their employment and after a few months cut off paying their
legal defense bills. Likewise Israel's categorical denials of espionage,
evaporated, as video and transcripts of their intelligence operative
receiving classified documents surfaced.

A Grand Jury was convoked in early 2005. As the FBI's spy investigation
extended into AIPAC-Pentagon's inner recesses, self-confessed spy Franklin's
superiors Paul Wolfowitz and Douglas Feith announced their sudden
resignation from the number 2 and 3 positions in the Pentagon, most likely
reflecting a deal with the Justice Department to free themselves from
further investigations into their ties with Israeli intelligence and
Franklin. In February 2005, Bush announced that former convicted felon,
defender of Central American death squads and long-term Zionist fanatic,
Elliott Abrams, would be in charge of Middle East policy in the National
Security Council. Abrams would serve as a channel for directing Israeli
policies to the White House and as day-to-day source of the most essential
policy decisions and discussions. Apparently Abrams was smart enough to keep
his distance from the Franklin/Feith and AIPAC/Embassy operations and deal
directly with Ariel Sharon and his Chief of Staff, Dov Weinglass. In April
2005, AIPAC dismissed Rosen and Weissman, saying their activities did not
comport with the organizations standards. On May 4, Franklin was arrested on
charges of illegally disclosing highly classified information to two
employees of a pro-Israel lobbying group. On June 13, 2005 an expanded
indictment explicitly named AIPAC and a "foreign country" (Israel) and its
Mossad agent, Naor Gilon, who had, in the meantime, fled to Israel.

Despite AIPAC being named in a major espionage indictment involving Steve
Rosen, head of its foreign policy department and Keith Weissman, head of its
Iran desk, US Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice gave the keynote address
at AIPAC's convention (May 22-24, 2005). Leaders from Congress and the
Republican and Democratic parties also spoke, declaring their unconditional
support for AIPAC, Israel and Ariel Sharon. The list included Senator
Hillary Clinton, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (Republican) and Senate
Democratic leader Harry Reid. Based on previous year's attendance, more than
half of the US Senate and one-third of US Congress members were in
attendance.

Clearly AIPAC, with 60,000 wealthy members and $60 million annual budget,
had more influence on the political behavior of the US executive, political
parties and elected representatives than a federal indictment implicating
its leaders for espionage on behalf of Israel. Could there be a basis for
charging our political leaders as "accomplices after the fact". of
espionage, if the AIPAC leaders are convicted?

On August 4, 2005 Paul McNulty of the Justice Department formally indicted
AIPAC leaders Steven Rosen and Keith Weissman of receiving and passing
highly confidential documents via the Israeli embassy to the State of
Israel. Their trial is set for April 25, 2006. Franklin's trial was set to
begin on January 2, 2006 but has been postponed. Franklin has been
co-operating with the FBI and Justice Department in its investigations of
AIPAC and the Pentagon's 'Israel Firsters' in the run up to the invasion of
Iraq and the further plans to attack Iran. The indictments are based on a
prolonged investigation. AIPAC was targeted for investigation as early as
2001, while the indictment of Rosen and Weissman cites illegal activities
beginning in April 1999.

The Spy Trial: A Political Bombshell

After Rosen and Weissman came under intensive federal investigation as
co-conspirators in the Franklin spy case, AIPAC decided to cut its losses
and cover its backside by throwing them overboard: AIPAC fired them on March
2005, arguing that their "conduct was not part of their job, and beneath the
standards required of AIPAC employees" (Forward, December 23, 2005). In
effect AIPAC was making Rosen and Weissman the "fall guys" in order to shake
off a deeper Federal probe of AIPAC's activities. Moreover AIPAC stopped
payments to Rosen's and Weissman's lawyers sticking them with almost a
half-million dollars in legal fees. AIPAC does not intend to pay the fees
before the trial is over - not for lack of funds (they raised over $60
million in 2005 and are tax-exempt) but for political reasons. AIPAC wants
to see how the trial goes: if they are acquitted, it will be safe to pay
their lawyers. But if they are found guilty AIPAC will refuse to pay (citing
the organization's by-law technicalities) in order to avoid being implicated
with convicted spies. AIPAC leaders are putting their organizational
interests and their capacity to promote Israeli interests in Congress and
the media over loyalty to their former officials.

Rosen and Weissman Strike Back

Facing up to 10 years in federal prison, up against detailed,
well-documented federal charges based on wiretaps, videos and the testimony
of self-confessed spy and Pentagon contact Franklin, fired and denounced by
their former colleagues and current leaders of AIPAC, Rosen and Weissman are
striking back with unexpected vehemence.

The defense attorneys are expected to argue that receiving information from
administration officials was something the two were paid and encouraged to
do and something AIPAC routinely does (Forward, December 23,2005). In other
words, Rosen and Weissman will say that pumping top US government officials
for confidential memos and handing them over to Israeli officials was a
common practice among AIPAC operatives. To bolster their case of "just
following AIPAC orders", Rosen and Weissman's defense lawyers will subpoena
AIPAC officials to testify in court about their past access to confidential
documents, their contacts with high-placed officials and their collaboration
with Israeli Embassy officials. Such testimony could likely bring national
and international exposure to AIPAC's role as a two way transmission belt to
and from Israel.

If Rosen and Weissman succeed in tying AIPAC to their activities and if they
are convicted, that opens up a much larger Federal investigation of AIPAC's
role in aiding and abetting felonious behavior on behalf of the State of
Israel.

In the almost two years since Rosen and Weissman came into the public
limelight as spy suspects, AIPAC has successfully fended off adverse
publicity by mobilizing leading politicians, party leaders and senior
members of the Bush Administration to give public testimonials on its
behalf. It successfully dumped Rosen and Weissman and pushed ahead with
lining up the US Congress with Israel's pro-war agenda against Iran. And
then out of the blue, Rosen and Weissman threaten to blow their cover "as
just another influential lobby" working to promote US and Israeli mutual
security interests.

Rosen and Weissman's defense will certainly bring out the fact that AIPAC at
no point informed their employees about what the law states regarding the
obtaining and handing over of highly confidential information to a foreign
power. Weissman and Rosen will argue that they did not know that receiving
confidential information from administration officials and handing it over
to Israel was illegal since everybody was doing it. They will further argue
that their alleged spy activity was not a 'rogue operation' carried on by
them independently of the organization, but was known and approved by their
superiors - citing AIPAC's employee procedures for reporting to superiors.

Rosen and Weissman are taking on biblical stature. According to one former
AIPAC employee with connections to the organization's current leadership,
Rosen and Weissman are perceived as acting "like Samson trying to bring the
house down on everyone" (Forward, December 23, 2005).

"Everyone" that is involved in exploiting US wealth, power and military
forces to serve Israel's expansionist interests' What started out as a small
scale spy trial, no different from other recent cases, is growing into a
major cause celebre, involving the most powerful lobby influencing the
entire direction of US Middle East policy. If Rosen and Weissman are
convicted and they effectively make the case that they were following orders
and informing AIPAC of their felonious activities, it is possible that it
will drive away many wealthy Jewish donors and activists, and perhaps put
some shame into the politicians who kow-tow and feed at the AIPAC trough.
With a weakened AIPAC and its neo-con/'Zion-con' allies in the government
wary of continuing to "liaison" with Israeli intelligence on Middle East
policy, it is possible that a free and open debate based on US interests can
take place. With a public debate relatively free of the constraints imposed
by the Israel First lobbies and ideologues, perhaps the US public's
opposition to Middle East Wars and occupations can become the dominant
discourse in Congress if not the Executive. Perhaps the $3 billion dollars
plus annual foreign aid to Israel can be reallocated toward rebuilding all
the industrially ravaged cities and towns of Michigan, Upstate New York and
elsewhere. A move from Middle East militarism to a democratic foreign policy
will not happen just because of a spy trial no matter how severe the
sentence and no matter how deeply AIPAC is implicated, unless the American
public is organized as a democratic majority capable of confronting party,
congressional and executive leaders with the choice: You are either for
America or for AIPAC. If the accused spies are convicted and AIPAC is
implicated a clear choice will be posed to US politicians: Either standing
up for a democratic foreign policy or further burying their heads in the
slush money trough of agents of a foreign power and once more showing their
backsides to the American people.




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