Chris,

As usual a lot of nonsense promoted by people who have lost some
of their monopoly advantages because of increased trade. The
privileged never like the free market because it provides the
best deal for the consumer - who is everyone.

Some $431 million worth of US pork went to hungry Mexicans in
2004. That's 3.5 times the pre-NAFTA amount. During the same time
7 times as much pork went to Canada.

Poultry exports to Mexico rose 61.5% during the same period.

Sales of U.S. corn to Mexico increased 175 percent (and fifteen
times as much to Canada).

Mexico chose to corn imports under NAFTA in order to provide
lower cost food to its increasingly urban population and to
ensure sufficient animal feed.

Seems reasonable.

Fresh fruits and vegetables exports to Mexico doubled while the
increase to Canada was 46% - to $1.9 billion!   

The idiot who wrote this piece apparently has a thing for
dirt-poor farmers living near starvation and surviving only
because the government subsidizes them.

But, remember, these anti-NAFTA pieces stem from people who were
more privileged before NAFTA - but must now give a better deal to
American consumers because of competition.

So, do I approve of NAFTA?

Of course not. It's a customs union. I want free trade. The US
should simply drop its close to 9,000 tariffs, its multiplicity
of quotas and anti-dumping laws. Of course it won't because the
money bags that benefit from these restrictions pay well to stop
the market process.

But you know that.

Harry

**********************************
Henry George School of Social Science
of Los Angeles
Box 655  Tujunga  CA 91042
818 352-4141
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-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of
Christoph Reuss
Sent: Wednesday, February 08, 2006 6:26 PM
To: [email protected]
Subject: [Futurework] NAFTA and Immigration


http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/07/A
R2006020701
272.html?referrer=emailarticle

NAFTA and Nativism

   By Harold Meyerson   Washington Post   Wednesday, February 8,
2006

Globalized Into Oblivion

  As long as the global economy is designed to keep workers
powerless,
Mexican desperation and American anger will only grow.

In  December the House approved a bill by Judiciary Committee
Chairman
James   Sensenbrenner   of   Wisconsin   that  would  turn  all
those
undocumented   immigrants   into  felons.  It  would  supersede
local
ordinances  that  keep police from inquiring into the status of
people
coming forth to report crimes or help in investigations. It would
help
create  a  permanent underground population in our midst, with no
hope of
ever attaining legal status.

But the most striking aspect of the assault on undocumented
immigrants is
that it has no theory of causality. Over 40 percent of the
Mexicans who
have  come, legally and illegally, to the United States have done
so  in
the  past  15  years.  The  boom in undocumenteds is even more
concentrated than that: There were just 2.5 million such
immigrants in the
United States in 1995; fully 8 million have arrived since then.

Why?  It's  not because we've let down our guard at the border;
to the
contrary,  the border is more militarized now than it's ever
been. The
answer is actually simpler than that. In large part, it's NAFTA.

The North American Free Trade Agreement was sold, of course, as a
boon to
the citizens of the United States, Canada and Mexico --
guaranteed both to
raise incomes and lower prices, however improbably, throughout
the
continent.  Bipartisan  elites  promised that it would stanch the
flow
of  illegal  immigrants,  too.  "There  will  be  less  illegal
immigration  because  more  Mexicans  will  be  able  to support
their
children  by  staying  home,"  said  President  Bill Clinton as
he was
building support for the measure in the spring of 1993.

But  NAFTA,  which  took  effect  in  1994,  could  not have been
more
precisely  crafted  to  increase immigration -- chiefly because
of its
devastating  effect  on Mexican agriculture. As liberal economist
Jeff
Faux  points  out  in  "The  Global  Class  War,"  his
just-published
indictment  of the actual workings of the new economy, Mexico had
been
home  to  a poor agrarian sector for generations, which the
government
helped  sustain  through  price  supports  on  corn  and beans.
NAFTA,
though, put those farmers in direct competition with incomparably
more
efficient  U.S.  agribusinesses. It proved to be no contest: From
1993
through 2002, at least 2 million Mexican farmers were driven off
their
land.

The experience of Mexican industrial workers under NAFTA hasn't
been a
whole  lot  better. With the passage of NAFTA, the maquiladoras
on the
border  boomed.  But  the  raison  d'etre  for  these factories
was to
produce  exports  at  the  lowest wages possible, and with the
Mexican
government  determined  to keep its workers from unionizing, the
NAFTA
boom  for Mexican workers never materialized. In the pre-NAFTA
days of
1975,  Faux documents, Mexican wages came to 23 percent of U.S.
wages; in
1993-94,  just  before  NAFTA, they amounted to 15 percent; and
by 2002
they had sunk to a mere 12 percent.

The  official  Mexican  poverty rate rose from 45.6 percent in
1994 to
50.3 percent in 2000. And that was before competition from China
began to
shutter the maquiladoras and reduce Mexican wages even more.

So  if  Sensenbrenner  wants  to  identify a responsible party
for the
immigration he so deplores, he might take a peek in the mirror.
In the
winter  of  '93, he voted for NAFTA. He helped establish a system
that
increased   investment   opportunities   for  major  corporations
and
diminished  the rights, power and, in many instances, living
standards of
workers  on  both  sides  of the border. Now he and his
Republican
colleagues  are  stirring the resentments of the same American
workers
they placed in jeopardy by supporting the corporate trade agenda.

Walls  on  the border won't fix this problem, nor will forcing
cops to
arrest  entire  barrios. So long as the global economy is
designed, as
NAFTA was, to keep workers powerless, Mexican desperation and
American
anger will only grow. Forget the fence. We need a new rulebook
for the
world.




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