Ed,

More than a million Mexicans went north to the industrial region.

Perhaps this allows them to save the money needed to pay the
coyotes to take them across the border.

In any event they seem to have decided that however poor
conditions are in the factories, they are better than subsistence
farming on poor land in the South.

And now they are close to the US border. Any Mexican with an
ounce of courage would try to work in the US and send money back
to his family.

The article states that: "From 1993 through 2002, at least 2
million Mexican farmers were driven off their land." This by
virtue of the efficiency of American agriculture.

Of course it is very efficient and they certainly don't need
subsidies. But subsidies are not a part of free trade. They are
manifestations of the controlled economy which is apparently
preferable to the free market - but of course not to me.

If you criticize them, you are criticizing your own policies. Of
course subsidies produce surpluses which are dumped at low
prices, or for free.

My advice would be to abandon them - they are passé as Lawry
would say.

As controlled economies suffer unemployment, the attention of the
modern economist is on "job creation". Modern economists tend to
concentrate on production because it is easier than handling
consumer affairs. (In any event Loblaw's does it better than any
economist.)

In Classical political economy, attention is given to the
consumer. Consumers are the reason for production. Of course, we
are very interested in the distribution of production and are
concerned with its directions. 

How can Mexican farmers be driven off their land? Presumably
because Mexicans generally can get cheaper food from the
Americans. I would think that cheaper food for 106 million
Mexicans adds up to a plus.

The article writer kind of forgets to mention that.

While free trade and the free market are just, they do not
produce a just society. They simply make production more
efficient. Rather like machinery. Just as the Luddites would
smash machines, so the modern political Luddites try to smash
free trade.

They are helped by those who enjoy fat profits from import
restrictions - deep pockets the Luddites didn't have.

These various agreements such as NAFTA are not free trade
arrangements.

You and I learned about customs union back when. I wonder if the
term is familiar to modern economics students. Anyway, that's
what NAFTA is - along with these other so-called free trade
arrangements.

One good thing with regard to the customs union with Australia.
Our sugar monopoly wouldn't allow Australian sugar to be
imported, but apparently their lamb now gets in. In the last
little while some good and not expensive Australian lamb is
arriving in the stores.

As someone who was brought up as a kid on cheap cuts of lamb - it
was the meat of the working class - this is very worthwhile!

Harry  

**********************************
Henry George School of Social Science
of Los Angeles
Box 655  Tujunga  CA 91042
818 352-4141
**********************************
 
 

-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Ed
Weick
Sent: Sunday, February 12, 2006 6:02 AM
To: Harry Pollard; 'Christoph Reuss'; [email protected]
Subject: RE: [Futurework] NAFTA and Immigration

Nice try, Harry, but what the Meyerson article (below) suggests
is that the US is creating the very conditions that create
illegal immigration and make third world people head for
"lifeboat" USA.  Whether, as the article states, US
agribusinesses are "incomparably more efficient" than agriculture
in Mexico is questionable.  American farm prices are kept
"competitive" by very large subsidies: "The United States paid
farmers almost $15.7 billion in subsidies during 2002, and the
U.S. Agriculture Department projected $18.7 billion for 2003.
Subsidies, which rise and fall opposite market prices, peaked in
2000 at $32.3 billionThe United States paid farmers almost $15.7
billion in subsidies during 2002, and the U.S.
Agriculture Department projects $18.7 billion for 2003.
Subsidies, which rise and fall opposite market prices, peaked in
2000 at $32.3 billion, the USDA said."
(http://www.washtimes.com/business/20031207-114046-8545r.htm)

No wonder that American farmers can undersell Mexican corn and
pork producers!
 
Ed

-----------------------------------------------------------------
----------
-----
 
NAFTA and Nativism

   By Harold Meyerson   Washington Post   Wednesday, February 8,
2006

Globalized Into Oblivion

  As long as the global economy is designed to keep workers
powerless, Mexican desperation and American anger will only grow.

In  December the House approved a bill by Judiciary Committee
Chairman
James   Sensenbrenner   of   Wisconsin   that  would  turn  all
those
undocumented   immigrants   into  felons.  It  would  supersede
local
ordinances  that  keep police from inquiring into the status of
people coming forth to report crimes or help in investigations.
It would help create  a  permanent underground population in our
midst, with no hope of ever attaining legal status.

But the most striking aspect of the assault on undocumented
immigrants is that it has no theory of causality. Over 40 percent
of the Mexicans who have  come, legally and illegally, to the
United States have done so  in the  past  15  years.  The  boom
in undocumenteds is even more concentrated than that: There were
just 2.5 million such immigrants in the United States in 1995;
fully 8 million have arrived since then.

Why?  It's  not because we've let down our guard at the border;
to the contrary,  the border is more militarized now than it's
ever been. The answer is actually simpler than that. In large
part, it's NAFTA.

The North American Free Trade Agreement was sold, of course, as a
boon to the citizens of the United States, Canada and Mexico --
guaranteed both to raise incomes and lower prices, however
improbably, throughout the continent.  Bipartisan  elites
promised that it would stanch the flow of  illegal  immigrants,
too.  "There  will  be  less  illegal immigration  because  more
Mexicans  will  be  able  to support their children  by  staying
home,"  said  President  Bill Clinton as he was building support
for the measure in the spring of 1993.

But  NAFTA,  which  took  effect  in  1994,  could  not have been
more precisely  crafted  to  increase immigration -- chiefly
because of its devastating  effect  on Mexican agriculture. As
liberal economist Jeff Faux  points  out  in  "The  Global  Class
War,"  his  just-published indictment  of the actual workings of
the new economy, Mexico had been home  to  a poor agrarian sector
for generations, which the government helped  sustain  through
price  supports  on  corn  and beans. NAFTA, though, put those
farmers in direct competition with incomparably more efficient
U.S.  agribusinesses. It proved to be no contest: From 1993
through 2002, at least 2 million Mexican farmers were driven off
their land.

The experience of Mexican industrial workers under NAFTA hasn't
been a whole  lot  better. With the passage of NAFTA, the
maquiladoras on the border  boomed.  But  the  raison  d'etre
for  these factories was to produce  exports  at  the  lowest
wages possible, and with the Mexican government  determined  to
keep its workers from unionizing, the NAFTA boom  for Mexican
workers never materialized. In the pre-NAFTA days of 1975,  Faux
documents, Mexican wages came to 23 percent of U.S. wages; in
1993-94,  just  before  NAFTA, they amounted to 15 percent; and
by 2002 they had sunk to a mere 12 percent.

The  official  Mexican  poverty rate rose from 45.6 percent in
1994 to
50.3 percent in 2000. And that was before competition from China
began to shutter the maquiladoras and reduce Mexican wages even
more.

So  if  Sensenbrenner  wants  to  identify a responsible party
for the immigration he so deplores, he might take a peek in the
mirror. In the winter  of  '93, he voted for NAFTA. He helped
establish a system that
increased   investment   opportunities   for  major  corporations
and
diminished  the rights, power and, in many instances, living
standards of workers  on  both  sides  of the border. Now he and
his Republican colleagues  are  stirring the resentments of the
same American workers they placed in jeopardy by supporting the
corporate trade agenda.

Walls  on  the border won't fix this problem, nor will forcing
cops to arrest  entire  barrios. So long as the global economy is
designed, as NAFTA was, to keep workers powerless, Mexican
desperation and American anger will only grow. Forget the fence.
We need a new rulebook for the world.


>Chris,
>
>As usual a lot of nonsense promoted by people who have lost some
of 
>their monopoly advantages because of increased trade. The
privileged 
>never like the free market because it provides the best deal for
the 
>consumer - who is everyone.
>
>Some $431 million worth of US pork went to hungry Mexicans in
2004. 
>That's 3.5 times the pre-NAFTA amount. During the same time
>7 times as much pork went to Canada.
>
>Poultry exports to Mexico rose 61.5% during the same period.
>
>Sales of U.S. corn to Mexico increased 175 percent (and fifteen
times 
>as much to Canada).
>
>Mexico chose to corn imports under NAFTA in order to provide
lower cost 
>food to its increasingly urban population and to ensure
sufficient 
>animal feed.
>
>Seems reasonable.
>
>Fresh fruits and vegetables exports to Mexico doubled while the
>increase to Canada was 46% - to $1.9 billion!   
>
>The idiot who wrote this piece apparently has a thing for
dirt-poor 
>farmers living near starvation and surviving only because the 
>government subsidizes them.
>
>But, remember, these anti-NAFTA pieces stem from people who were
more 
>privileged before NAFTA - but must now give a better deal to
American 
>consumers because of competition.
>
>So, do I approve of NAFTA?
>
>Of course not. It's a customs union. I want free trade. The US
should 
>simply drop its close to 9,000 tariffs, its multiplicity of
quotas and 
>anti-dumping laws. Of course it won't because the money bags
that 
>benefit from these restrictions pay well to stop the market
process.
>
>But you know that.
>
>Harry
>
>**********************************
>Henry George School of Social Science
>of Los Angeles
>Box 655  Tujunga  CA 91042
>818 352-4141
>**********************************
> 
> 

Sent using cyberus.ca WebMail - http://www.cyberus.ca/
_______________________________________________
Futurework mailing list
[email protected]
http://fes.uwaterloo.ca/mailman/listinfo/futurework


_______________________________________________
Futurework mailing list
[email protected]
http://fes.uwaterloo.ca/mailman/listinfo/futurework

Reply via email to