Polls in the US continue to show that health care is the #1 issue driving jobs and the economy. Unless the US embraces a solution very soon, it will likely be too late to save what is left of its non-Military Industrial Security Complex (MICS) production economy.

 

Before we can adequately address a realistic industrial policy that with global economics, we have to undergo a quick 12-step purging of the myth of The Free Market zeitgeist. This cannot be done by politicians alone, it must be led by economists. 

 

There is a noisy immigration debate here – the Dubai Ports World deal was the introduction – but it is being driven by 24/7 media looking for verbal bouts that boost ratings. Some call this immigration issue the new civil rights battle of the 21st global century.  Without the inclusion of sound economics, it will be nothing more than nationalistic outpouring by some and reflexive outbursts by others.

 

Industrial Strength
Reviving U.S. manufacturing will require better management and smarter public policy.

By Robert Kuttner, American Prospect, Web Exclusive: 03.28.06

General Motors and the United Auto Workers stunned Wall Street and the labor movement this week by proposing the ultimate buyout package. GM proposes to pension off every one of its 131,000 GM and Delphi workers in the United States, with cash bonuses of up to $140,000 for taking early retirement.

Who would make the cars? A new generation of lower-paid workers. It is a mark of GM's fragility that the UAW considers this about the best deal the union can get.

GM lost $10.6 billion last year. Its bonds are now classified junk. The stock market values the entire company at just $12.4 billion, a fraction of Toyota's $177 billion. Wall Street reacted to the prospect of this daring desperation plan by bidding up GM stock - by exactly one cent.

GM once made nearly half the autos sold in America; it now sells about one in four, many of them imports. What went so wrong? And what does this say about the future of US manufacturing and trade unionism?

For starters, as a frequent renter, I conclude that GM makes cars consumers don't want. Compared with Japanese, Korean, and European competitors, the steering is slushy, the instrument panel needlessly confusing, and the feel cheesy. The reliability ratings are less than impressive. With a few nice exceptions, the designs are weird. Even the latest Caddy looks like it wants to be a Hummer.

Ever since the abortive Corvair, GM executives have been promising to learn from the competition, but they never do. Meanwhile, GM is stuck with a once-proud social contract that was defensible in the era of scant imports and a Big Three monopoly: GM would pay good health and pension benefits, as well as decent wages. But GM's foreign competitors live in nations with universal health insurance, giving domestic automakers a cost disadvantage from the get-go.

Even so, total labor costs for automakers are actually about $10 an hour higher in Germany, which manages to compete by making terrific cars. If GM management were not such a mess, its workers would not be paying the price.

There is a larger story here. The United States is also needlessly losing manufacturing jobs because it hasn't figured out how to compete globally. This is partly a story of lazy management, but partly of misguided public policy.

Mostly, it is not a story of overpaid production workers. Since 1973, total productivity of the US economy is up about 70% while the median wage of nonsupervisory workers is up about 10%, according to the nonprofit Economic Policy Institute (on whose board I serve). Economist Robert Gordon recently calculated that nearly all the fruits of that productivity went to the very top income brackets.

In autos, however, workers in Mexico and China with comparable production equipment and skills are paid less than one-10th the US wage. To stay in the game, the United States will have to compete smarter.

Yet the United States lacks sensible trade, industrial, technology, and labor-market policies to revive domestic manufacturing. Its policies are crafted mainly for the benefit of corporations that want the lowest-paid workers, regardless of where they are located and whether their home governments play fair. Consequently, America welcomes imports, whether or not the government of the exporting company subsidizes industry to capture market share, steals intellectual property, and honors basic labor rights.

Some have proposed smart strategies to reclaim competitive industry and good jobs in the United States. A plan by Senator Barack Obama of Illinois would relieve automakers of the ''legacy costs" of retiree expenses in exchange for Detroit's commitment to put serious money into state-of-the art hybrid cars. This idea is disparaged in some circles as ''industrial policy," as if Japan, Korea, and China did not have industrial policies.

The next generation of workers, which will include much lower paid GM employees (assuming there is a GM) faces the most unequal distribution of wages and opportunities since the Gilded Age a century ago. Unionization of the expanding service sector, most of which can't pick up and move to China, would help defend wages. But the United States shouldn't abandon manufacturing altogether.

Automation means manufacturing will never have the share of jobs that it once did. Still, it's not too late to save US manufacturing and at least some good industrial jobs. But that will take radical revision of both management thinking and of the official free-market ideology.

Robert Kuttner is co-editor of The American Prospect. This column originally appeared in The Boston Globe.

http://www.prospect.org/web/page.ww?section=root&name=ViewWeb&articleId=11363

 

Related Business News Analysis and Opinion

Profits Rise, Wages Fall, Income Gap Grows: The Wall Street Journal reports, "Since the end of 2000, gross domestic product per person in the U.S. has expanded 8.4%, adjusted for inflation, but the average weekly wage has edged down 0.3%." The reason? Since 2001, "a lot of the growth in GDP per person -- that is, productivity -- has gone to profits, not wages."

Moreover, the Bush tax cuts "appear to have widened the income gap, according to many analyses. They increased take-home pay of almost all working Americans, but boosted it most for those at the top." Jared Bernstein of the Economic Policy Institute estimates "the weekly wage of the worker at the 10th percentile -- the one earning less than 90% of all workers -- fell 2.7% from 2000 to 2005, adjusted for inflation. The wage of the worker at the 90th percentile rose 5.3%." (Think Progress 032706)

 

Toyota, Kia will expand in US http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/03/13/AR2006031300248.html

 

US 2005 Q4 Productivity revised to –0.5 percent http://go.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=businessNews&storyID=11449323&src="">

 

Dale Dauten The Fed has the leash, but is the dog on it? How Fed policies keep wages low http://bostonworks.boston.com/news/articles/2006/03/12/the_fed_has_the_leash_but_is_the_dog_on_it/

 

Bloomberg’s Brendan Murray Stock Performance Undercuts Bush’s Vision of Ownership Society: "President George W. Bush has tried to sell Americans on an 'ownership society' that would create more wealth -- and more Republicans in the process. The stock market hasn't accommodated.

"The Standard & Poor's 500 Index - the benchmark for American equities - is down 2.8%since Bush took office 5 years and 2 months ago. That's the worst performance during the same stage of any two-term administration in the past half century except that of Richard M. Nixon.

"The market's performance is undermining a central goal of White House Deputy Chief of Staff Karl Rove, Bush's chief political adviser. Borrowing from Margaret Thatcher's privatization push in the U.K. in the 1980s, Rove's theory is that if more Americans make their own financial decisions and the last vestiges of a welfare state are dismantled, a culture of ownership will spring up. The ranks of Republican voters, the idea goes, will swell along with it.

" 'The ownership society looked very attractive on paper,' said Jacob Hacker, a political science professor at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut. 'But once you flesh out the changes, people become very concerned because they are already fearful that their economic security is slipping away.' "  http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=10000103&sid=amzVdnivhgdY&refer=us

 

Time’s Tim Padgett Bush in Mexico: Whatever happened to NAFTA? http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1178497,00.html

 

IPS’ Sanjay Suri Trade: Time for a collective strip tease http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=32439

 

 

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