In the days after 9/11 and the build up before Bush’s War, we often discussed the changed American psyche. I’ve often alluded to it as a national midlife crisis, which obviously has many facets and historical reference points with other nation states.

 

As with Israel’s foreign policy being driven by the rising population of non-Jewish citizens, and the violent protests Europe has experienced over significant immigrant populations, we know that the effects of globalization are more than just economics and trade. We ignore these sociopolitical impacts at our peril.

 

A conservative columnist discusses some of this evolving national mood, partly racially-driven panic over majority/minority population changes, and part isolationism, which historian Arthur Schlesinger reminds us in War and the American Presidency, is a long-time fixture in American politics. - kwc

 

Panic builds up behind America's Great Wall

 

Call it the Great Wall of America. Last Wednesday, the Senate voted to add 370 miles of it to the US-Mexico border, together with another 500 miles of vehicle barriers. The vote wasn’t close: the wall passed by 83 votes to 16.

The House has already endorsed 700 miles of wall; and if resident George Bush had used his primetime television address last Monday to endorse it, his ratings might have pulled out of their tailspin. (By the end of last week, Bush was endorsing a fence as well.) Maybe Karl Rove will set up a photo-op in October. The president could come to the Arizona border, assemble a crowd of anti-illegal immigrant activists and declaim, in reverse-Reagan mode: “Presidente Fox, build up this wall!”

In all the rhetoric and emotion and high-stakes politicking around a new immigration reform bill, two symbols have stood out. The first was the national anthem, translated into Spanish. It was a PR debacle for supporters of illegal immigrants. The second is the wall. It has become the rallying cry for those who believe that illegal immigration is hurting American workers, undermining the rule of law, compromising American sovereignty and endangering national security.

At more than $3m a mile, the wall is a huge treasure opportunity for some American companies. And parts of it will have three layers of barrier. Just like Berlin in the old days — but stretching as far as the eye can see.

The president doesn’t like the symbolism. But most polls show 2-1 majorities in favour of a wall first, and then some deal for illegal immigrants afterwards. The president wants it all at once. But with the way the debate has been heading, he may well be unable to get it.

Why the outcry? It’s hard for many to understand. America’s land borders have never been that tightly guarded or policed. Millions of Americans can trace their origins to illegal immigrants who walked over the border and settled down. The attorney-general, Alberto Gonzales, was forced to confess last week that he wasn’t sure that his grandparents weren’t illegals.

Most sane studies show that the immigrants in question are not coming to sponge off the welfare state: many are too illegal to access government services, and work at back-breaking jobs for sub-legal wages. In states without income taxes, like Texas, they doubtless pay sales and property taxes, while getting little in return.

But something has snapped in one part of the American psyche. There are good reasons for the sudden loss of patience. Voters can smell phoneys a mile away; and there is something deeply phoney about politicians saying they oppose illegal immigration, while doing nothing serious about it and being supported by big businesses that benefit immensely from the cheap labour.

Few question that the immigrants distort the labour market and keep wages marginally lower for unskilled native workers. The children of illegals put stress on school systems and healthcare provision. And if you compare the ease with which half a million illegal foreigners waltz into the US each year with the mind-numbing, endless bureaucratic delays that legal immigrants go through (I speak from experience), you can see the argument.

And yet there’s something else at work here: an unease, a panic, a sense of helplessness and being beleaguered that has plagued the American psyche since 9/11. On that day, the pristine separation between America and the rest of the world was abolished. The continent was no longer immune to the terror that all other countries had grown used to.

Moreover, the attempt to destroy that threat has had a chequered history. Bin Laden is still uncaptured; the US military seems bogged down in a gruelling insurgency in Iraq. In American eyes, the attempt to solve the problem by reaching out and engaging the world has not worked. So why not seal it off? Conservatives are also venting their general frustration at the Bush administration through the simple demand that the law be enforced. If Republicans cannot control spending, if they cannot stop gays from marrying, if they cannot balance a budget, then they better show they can build a fence.

Then there is genuine cultural discomfort. Census statistics last week showed that, for the first time, almost half of Americans under five years of age are now non-white. The reason? Hispanics accounted for half the population growth in America from 2004-05; and 70% of the growth in the population under the age of five. Project that into the future and America becomes a majority coffee-coloured country in a generation. When the disproportionately white baby-boomer generation dies off, the ethnic demographic shift could be dramatic. There’s a reason that people are not proposing a wall to cordon off Canada.

Hence the striking finding in a recent poll that well over half of all Republicans also want to end the time-honoured rule that anyone born in America has citizenship. Mass deportations? Some clearly want them. As one writer put it on a right-wing website last week: “Not only will (mass deportation) work, but one can easily estimate how long it would take. If it took the Germans less than four years to rid themselves of 6m Jews . . . it couldn’t possibly take more than eight years to deport 12m illegal aliens, many of whom don’t speak English and are not integrated into American society.”

This is the hidden racial and cultural subtext of the current debate. This is what fuels the emotion. And as grassroots Republicans lose faith in their own president’s response to 9/11, they naturally reach to a solution as simple as it is draconian.

Build a wall, they cry. Never mind that the terrorists of 9/11 arrived legally by plane. And the louder their voices, the likelier it is that tens of millions of future Hispanic voters will make the Democratic party their home. This Bush understands. But many ordinary Americans feel — and feel passionately — something else.

 

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,29449-2189510.html

 

_______________________________________________
Futurework mailing list
[email protected]
http://fes.uwaterloo.ca/mailman/listinfo/futurework

Reply via email to