Hi, Keith,

 

Great to see you here.

 

The four criteria for sovereignty reflect international law; they don't
speak to the dynamics that bring a state into being, but to the
characteristics of an entity that has qualified for sovereignty.

 

I am quite current on the situation in the Kurdish regions, but the matter
of whether they seek and achieve statehood will not, in my opinion be
decided there; it will be decided in Baghdad, Tehran and Ankara, for the
reasons that I suggested in my earlier email. Modern history of replete with
examples of ethnic groups that has sought and failed to achieve statehood.
It would not be aberrational that the Kurds fail, also, should they seek it
(and this currently is at best ambiguous).  And you are right; we are all
conjecturing, and only emerging facts will indicate which of our views were
'correct.'

 

You refer to Egypt and Turkey, and fear that they will slip into Medieval
religionism. Ataturk and Nasser were certainly instrumental in bringing
their countries into a world defined by secular and nationalist principles,
but they both also created serious problems within their countries,
including varieties of religious suppression and lack of popular political
participation. They both were able to accomplish much by casting themselves
as defenders of their countries against foreign aggression (e.g. Ataturk
against the European powers at the Treties of Sevres and Lausanne, and
Greece at the battles around Izmir; and Nasser against the British re. the
nationalization of the Suez Canal, and the British, French, and Israeli
invasions of 1956). But they also introduced dysfunctionalities into their
countries: Ataturk in raising the army to be final arbiter on political
matters, suppression of the rural leadership of the country, and suppression
of dissident political voices and parties; Nasser in the creation of a
one-party government, and the suppression of the Muslim Brotherhood and
Coptic organizations.

 

To these internal challenges, we now have an emerging and more global
phenomenon. Western culture is being revealed as problematic: it is based on
consumption, the notion that people are first and foremost economic actors
and easy prey for falsely-generated consumer demand; the habits of
state-sponsored gambling, seduction, deceit, greed, and hyperbole; growth
dependency; education subordinated to entertainment, etc.  I see the rise of
religious fundamentalism around the world as a misplaced and ineffective but
sincere effort by ordinary people to find a counter to the 'cancerous'
spread of modern commercial Western culture.  I doubt these religious
constructs will find any answer to that commercialism, but at least they are
trying. And we do need real answers and fast, for we are losing what I think
is a growing portion of our kids to despair about their future.  No, I don't
have any good ideas about how to slow the cancerous spread of modern Western
culture, but I do have sympathy for those who are trying.

 

Turkey and Egypt will do just fine; they will muddle their ways to something
that works, I hope. We Westerners would be better off focusing on our own
plethora of problems, and trying to limit the damage we do to others. The
perspectives of the colonial period are not only dead, but I am beginning to
suspect/hope that the 'Third World' may be part of our solution to our
problems. 

 

A long reply to a provocative email, Keith. Many thanks.

 

Cheers,

Lawry

 

  _____  

From: Keith Hudson [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Sent: Friday, December 01, 2006 3:59 AM
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Cc: [email protected]
Subject: Re: [Futurework] FW: Map of Middle East -- Statehood criteria and
conquest

 

Lawry,

I don't know why you and Harry can be so certain that the Kurds will never
establish a nation-state. In order to establish even the beginnings of
statehood there has to be another more subtle factor which is not mentioned
in your four criteria mentioned below. I'll mention this a little later.

But in the meantime, does anybody think that the 240-odd countries that have
obtained recognition as nation-states by the United Nations really are
nation-states in the historical sense as sketched out in the Treaty of
Westphalia of 1648 which, by and large, established the concept?  What the
Westphalian concept amounts to is that if a region has a sufficient sense of
cultural "togetherness" that its citizens will fight like mad to preserve
itself -- with a consequence of widespread civilian deaths and economic
destruction whether it succeeds or not -- then it deserves the definition.
It then becomes altogether more tidy for the contiguous regions concerned.
Westphalian nation-statehood was an entirely Western European concept borne
of centuries of incessant warfare which was, at that time, threatening to
get completely out of hand and far beyond preceding notions of chivalric
warfare fought by small cliques of rich people able to afford mercenary
armies. What the Westphalian Treaty said was: "For the sake of stopping all
this warfare, let's respect the cultural identity of any region that is
prepared to fight hard to defend what it clearly regards as its territorial
boundary." 

>From then onwards the concept of nation-statehood solidified three quite new
ideas which were already developing in embryo :

1. The formation of strict national boundaries;
2. Standing armies;
3. Governments fostered what we now call economic growth for the sake of
wider taxation (to pay for their armies) and, in particular, military
innovation (which also depended on freedom for scientific research, hitherto
repressed by the Medieval Church).

In strictly Westphalian terms, most of the nation-states that have
registered with the United Nations (itself of uncertain future) are not
nation-states at all, but merely of populations which have been manipulated
by neo-nationalistic politicians living in regions without much by way of
resources that other countries wanted to grab.

So what does make a *real* nation-state as occurred in Western Europe over
the past three centuries? It was the rise of small cliques of independent
thinkers and, in particular, small groups of individuals who adopted the
mode of inductive reasoning and scientific experimentation as most precisely
defined only a little earlier by Francis Bacon (1561-1626). Thus, in all the
proto-nation-states of Western Europe we find that small scientific
societies were founded along the lines of Royal Society in this country. All
to-be nation-states were of populations in which new technological methods
were fast diffusing within their own predominant language group. In
shorthand this is called the Western Enlightenment.

So where does this leave the Kurds? Who knows? -- we simply don't know
enough about what is going on in the region. (Because trouble is not
occurring there, the Western press don't send many journalists there. I
haven't read any accounts for many months.)  We know that the two chief
Kurdish political factions have developed into a Western-type sense of
government-and-opposition rather than mutual warfare, we know that education
is given immense importance and we also know that trade and science are
encouraged, their economy is growing and that religion is relegated to a
subsidiary place in government (the essential other-side-of-the-coin factor
in the rise of all the original nation-states). The region of northern Iraq
is the only largely peaceful region in the Middle East, has a peshmerga army
which is feared by Turkey and Iran (or else "Kurdistan" would have been
invaded years ago) -- as Saddam Hissein had previously feared it -- and is
still surviving despite its unhelpful terrain. Whether it will survive in
the longer-term future against Turkey, Iran and a (likely) Shia-dominated
Iraq remains to be seen but I would rate the odds far higher than both you
and Harry.

We need to know a great deal more whether there is, in the Kurdish region,
those small but supremely important nuclei of indviduals around which their
populations pivot and coalesce, recognising that they contain the kernal of
the matter. Such small nuclei of outstanding individuals not only enabled
the nation-states of Western Europe to come into existence from 1648 and
onwards but also subsequently to re-establish nations which were in danger
of becoming extinct. I am thinking of Israel, Armenia and China. (China as
we know it today owes its development almost completely to the return of
only a dozen of so of brilliant ex-pats from elsewhere in Asia. It would not
have gone extinct, of course, but would probably have fractured into further
Taiwan-sized chunks by now after the decline of the previous dictatorship.) 

Don't be so certain about Kurdistan. Turkey and Egypt are fast slipping
backwards into Medieval religionism undoing a great deal of what Ataturk and
Nasser respectively were able to achieve. Iran, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon and
the rest of Iraq, are still poised between modernism and religion, between
secular politicians and mullahs. The preliminary signs are that Kurdistan,
along with the modernising Emirates of Bahrein, Qatar, Dubai and perhaps Abu
Dhai may well be successful nations (presently accorded the term
"nation-state") in 20 years' time long after after those other Middle East
countries might have decayed further into medieval bigotry and poverty which
could no more be termed nation-states as some countries in Africa, central
Asia or South America are already supposed to be (according to the United
Nations register).

Keith Hudson    


At 16:52 30/11/2006 -0500, you wrote:




I omitted an important matter, here.

Under international law, there are two other principles relevant to
territory and sovereignty.

1. To claim statehood, a country must meet four criteria:
        a. Control of land
        b. Control of population
        c. Ability to govern
        d. Able to exercise international relations
Sovereignty is not dependent on the diplomatic recognition of other states.

2. It is illegal to seize territory of other countries, and such conquest
does not convey or provide the basis for a claim of sovereignty over the
seized territory. Indeed, conquest and occupation only impose on the
conquering state a series of well-defined obligations to safe-guard the
well-being and rights of the local population of the occupied territory.

Sorry for the omission. I have several reports I am kicking out the door.

Cheers,
Lawry



-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Lawrence de Bivort
Sent: Thursday, November 30, 2006 1:15 PM
To: 'pete'; [email protected]
Subject: Re: [Futurework] FW: Map of Middle East

There is no international law that assures an ethnic group its own territory
or nation, contiguous or not.  And I would guess that the vast majority of
ethnic groups do not have their own nation. Some of them may want their own
territory, but a right to such has to be established. Prior legitimate
possession is one such argument. The problem, of course, is that groups tend
to assert claims to territories that at some point in their history they
once controlled, and so, by referring to different time periods, the various
claims of groups overlap significantly with the claims of others.  Quite
apart from the issue of sovereignty for ethnic groups, this matter of
overlaps reduces the viability of the historical claim.  The doctrine of
self-determination is primarily useful against a colonial power; it does not
clarify the problem of overlapping, time-sensitive claims.

The Kurds have no intrinsic right to a state of their own. Were they to
advance such a claim, they would have to reckon with the sovereignty of
Iraq, Iran, and Turkey.  I would say that the idea of a Kurdish state is in
fact dead, though they will be able to achieve a measure of autonomy within
Iraq. If the Kurds were to pronounce themselves independent, and Iraq not
able to enforce its sovereignty there due to the present control of the
country by the US, it is sure to be challenged successfully in the future.
My guess is that the Kurds are smart enough to realize this and will
withstand the blandishments of outsiders, and settle for cooperative
relations with the Iraq government, and a significant measure of autonomy,
as negotiated jointly by the government and Kurdish representatives.

Cheers,
Lawry

-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of pete
Sent: Thursday, November 30, 2006 12:51 PM
To: [email protected]
Subject: Re: [Futurework] FW: Map of Middle East


On Tue, 28 Nov 2006, Christoph Reuss <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:

>Interesting.  So the Kingdom of Israel existed only in a very short
>period some 3000 years ago.  Hmm, what does this say about the
>legitimacy of the "law of return"...?

You will notice that in all that time, the Kurds never had self-rule,
let alone an empire. Does that mean we should decide they don't 
exist, and have no right to a contiguous homeland?


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Keith Hudson, Bath, England, <www.evolutionary-economics.org
<http://www.evolutionary-economics.org/> > 
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