More on how community (and not incidentally how a community informatics) is
emerging as the agent of change... This time from the UK.

MG

-----Original Message-----
From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Steven Brant
Sent: Monday, June 01, 2009 7:01 AM
To: [email protected]
Subject: [TriumphOfContent] Beyond Westminster's bankrupted practices, a new
idealism is emerging (Guardian.co.uk)


http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/may/31/reform-transition- 
a-new-politics

Series: A new politics: blueprint for reforming government

Beyond Westminster's bankrupted practices, a new idealism is emerging

Progressive politics will take root from the rubble of a Labour  
defeat. The Transition movement is giving us a glimpse now

Madeleine Bunting

Sunday 31 May 2009 20.30 BST


Something remarkable has happened. Politics has become entirely  
unpredictable. Suddenly all manner of political reform is back on the  
table, a new urgency has been infused into tired debates about  
political disengagement and apathy, and radical reforms are being  
proposed to reinvigorate the hollowing out of political institutions.  
While the detail is vague, the scale is sweeping: Cameron talks about  
a massive redistribution of power; a cabinet minister urges a  
referendum on electoral reform; even an architect of Blair's third  
way, Anthony Giddens, calls for a political revolution, and talked  
last week of needing new utopias to inspire a new politics of climate  
change. In a recent article, Martin Jacques comments on how New  
Labour, which built its fortunes on "there being no alternative", is  
now being forced into the humiliating circumstances of having to find  
one.

This last task is a tall order, but given the febrile nature of the  
times, let's sketch out how that might develop, and offer Giddens a  
first draft of what a 21st-century utopian politics might look like.

The first step will be defeat. The only uncertainty about the  
European elections this week is whether people are so angry that they  
don't bother to vote or so angry that they cast a protest vote. The  
most useful vote this week would be for the Greens - a protest vote  
that will help push the environment up the agenda. But this week is a  
mere sideshow compared with what Labour will receive at the general  
election next year - and for its brand of politics to be thoroughly  
discredited, it needs a drubbing.

Apart from a few diehards, it will be hard to mourn the defeat in  
2010 of a political party that lost its moral bearings in its bid to  
woo middle England, slavishly reflecting back what it believed this  
narrow constituency wanted to hear. It won ballots by flattering and  
indulging a mythology of the good life as individualistic aspiration  
and material enrichment, and never challenged the multiple erroneous  
assumptions on which this was based. On the two vital progressive  
issues of its age - inequality and the environment - it wasted a  
crucial decade and squandered parliamentary majorities on  
contradictory and inadequate gestures.

What it palpably failed to grasp was how crucial political reform was  
to regenerate progressive politics. A party that had been  
professionalised and managerialised in the 80s, not surprisingly, did  
not understand how to respond to people's appetite to participate,  
and author their own lives. It only knew how to manipulate and manage  
public engagement, and earned deep resentment for doing both. Only  
out of the rubble of defeat in 2010 will a new progressive politics  
begin painfully to emerge well beyond the bankrupted conventions of  
Westminster politics.

If you want to catch a glimpse of the kinds of places outside the  
political mainstream where that new politics might be incubated, take  
a look at the Transition movement. Ed Miliband, the energy and  
climate change secretary, was one of the first to spot its potential  
when he described this young and fast-growing movement as "absolutely  
essential". Other politicians have been similarly intrigued, and last  
year The Transition Handbook came fifth in MPs' list of summer  
reading. It isn't hard to see why politicians are so interested. The  
Transition movement is engaging people in a way that conventional  
politics is failing to do. It generates emotions that have not been  
seen in political life for a long time: enthusiasm, idealism and  
passionate commitment.

Within three years it has gone from an idea to having 170 towns,  
villages and cities signed up as transition communities, working in  
30 countries, and thousands more all over the world using the  
transition model. It is viral, catching on faster than its founder,  
Rob Hopkins, can track. Its message is that peak oil and climate  
change demand dramatic changes in the way people live, and, given  
that no one has the answer, communities themselves must start working  
out how that change might come about. It offers no answers, no  
solutions, only some tips in a handbook for how to get started.  
Transition lays the challenge squarely at the door of everyone. This  
is too big and difficult for government alone to tackle, too  
overwhelming and depressing for individuals to face alone.

Transition is rooted in a new politics of place: geography matters  
again as people look to the community immediately around them to  
devise the solutions for sustainability and resilience. At one level  
it works as a way of regenerating social capital, building up  
relationships with neighbours, working out how to collaborate again  
on common interests - community gardens, recycling, waste and  
strengthening the local economy. At another level it is about  
educating people about the challenges of peak oil and climate change,  
but the mobilisation and consciousness-raising is directed towards  
optimism and hope, not despair: how can this community use its skills  
and imagination to build its future?

The result is a proliferation of experiments, all of which are  
charted on their wiki websites: the collaboration is both local and  
global. Communities in Somerset can swap ideas and get inspiration  
from Brazil, Australia or the US. It's a world away from the smooth  
presentation of party politics, and transitioners are quick to point  
to the disclaimer on their site - they have no idea if the movement  
will work. They're organising local food festivals now, but tomorrow  
it could be community renewable energy. The emphasis is always on  
conviviality and enjoyment; on learning skills that have been lost  
over the last few decades - how to cook, grow food, repair and make  
things. Scotland has funded several transition organisers to work  
across the country. This is an unusual thing: local grassroots  
environmentalism that is full of hope for the future.

Their meetings don't have agendas or presentations - Miliband came to  
their annual conference recently as a keynote listener. They use  
what's called open space technology, in which everyone brings their  
ideas and everyone participates. Humble, self-organising, the  
movement owes much to the idealistic thinking of the early 70s. This  
is a time for revisiting those alternatives, which have been so  
contemptuously dismissed for a quarter of a century.

Part of its growing success is how it meets several needs  
simultaneously. It tackles social recession - the sense of  
disconnection and fragmentation of community - at the same time as it  
collaborates on the huge behavioural change that will be required for  
a low-carbon society. The latter is far more likely to come about in  
the context of personal relationships than as a result of discredited  
politicians dictating change. It is fulfilling an unexpected appetite  
for political engagement at a time of widespread disillusionment with  
the conventional political processes.

Hopkins is emphatic that transition groups refuse all political  
affiliation; they must build alliances to work across all parts of  
their community. But it is intriguing to see how the movement is  
experimenting with the sorts of ideas those in conventional politics  
are talking about - localism, decentralisation of power to  
communities, an environmental politics that is utopian and hopeful  
rather than gloomy. Of course detractors can point out its wholemeal  
worthiness, but it is stubbornly swimming against the tide of  
pervasive political pessimism, and given the unpredictability of the  
times, who knows where it will end up?



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