Could either of you articulate that more clearly for me?

 

REH

 

From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Michael Gurstein
Sent: Sunday, September 05, 2010 9:13 PM
To: 'RE-DESIGNING WORK, INCOME DISTRIBUTION, EDUCATION'
Subject: Re: [Futurework] FW: [TriumphOfContent] How to End the
GreatRecession (Robert Reich - The NY Times)

 

I very much agree about the recommendations which seem to me to be weak at
best... I guess taht he is rather afraid of the recommendations that his
logic compels him toward...

 

M

-----Original Message-----
From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Arthur Cordell
Sent: Sunday, September 05, 2010 6:03 PM
To: 'RE-DESIGNING WORK, INCOME DISTRIBUTION,EDUCATION';
[email protected]
Subject: Re: [Futurework] FW: [TriumphOfContent] How to End the
GreatRecession (Robert Reich - The NY Times)

The recommendations at the end of the article really don't answer the title.
But this is typical Reich.  Good on analysis but wobbles and weaves when it
comes to doing something.  This was his record when he was in govt.

 

Arthur

 

 

From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Michael Gurstein
Sent: Sunday, September 05, 2010 9:02 AM
To: [email protected]; 'RE-DESIGNING WORK, INCOME
DISTRIBUTION, EDUCATION'
Subject: [Futurework] FW: [TriumphOfContent] How to End the Great Recession
(Robert Reich - The NY Times)

 

A very clear eyed analysis I think...

 

M

 

-----Original Message-----
From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Steven Brant
Sent: Sunday, September 05, 2010 12:02 AM
To: Steven Brant
Subject: [TriumphOfContent] How to End the Great Recession (Robert Reich -
The NY Times)

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/03/opinion/03reich.html 

 

The New York Times

 


OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR


How to End the Great Recession


By ROBERT B. REICH


Published: September 2, 2010


Berkeley, Calif.

 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/03/opinion/03reich.html?ref=general&src=me&p
agewanted=all> Enlarge This Image

 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/03/opinion/03reich.html?ref=general&src=me&p
agewanted=all> 


Alain Pilon


THIS promises to be the worst Labor Day in the memory of most Americans.
Organized labor is down to about 7 percent of the private work force.
Members of non-organized labor - most of the rest of us - are unemployed,
underemployed or underwater. The Labor Department reported on Friday that
just 67,000 new private-sector jobs were created in August, while at least
125,000 are needed to keep up with the growth of the potential work force.

The national economy isn't escaping the gravitational pull of the Great
Recession. None of the standard booster rockets are working: near-zero
short-term interest rates from the Fed, almost record-low borrowing costs in
the bond market, a giant stimulus package and tax credits for small
businesses that hire the long-term unemployed have all failed to do enough.

That's because the real problem has to do with the structure of the economy,
not the business cycle. No booster rocket can work unless consumers are
able, at some point, to keep the economy moving on their own. But consumers
no longer have the purchasing power to buy the goods and services they
produce as workers; for some time now, their means haven't kept up with what
the growing economy could and should have been able to provide them.

This crisis began decades ago when a new wave of technology - things like
satellite communications, container ships, computers and eventually the
Internet - made it cheaper for American employers to use low-wage labor
abroad or labor-replacing software here at home than to continue paying the
typical worker a middle-class wage. Even though the American economy kept
growing, hourly wages flattened. The median male worker earns less today,
adjusted for inflation, than he did 30 years ago.

But for years American families kept spending as if their incomes were
keeping pace with overall economic growth. And their spending fueled
continued growth. How did families manage this trick? First, women streamed
into the paid work force. By the late 1990s, more than 60 percent of mothers
with young children worked outside the home (in 1966, only 24 percent did).

Second, everyone put in more hours. What families didn't receive in wage
increases they made up for in work increases. By the mid-2000s, the typical
male worker was putting in roughly 100 hours more each year than two decades
before, and the typical female worker about 200 hours more.

When American families couldn't squeeze any more income out of these two
coping mechanisms, they embarked on a third: going ever deeper into debt.
This seemed painless - as long as home prices were soaring. >From 2002 to
2007, American households extracted $2.3 trillion from their homes.

Eventually, of course, the debt bubble burst - and with it, the last coping
mechanism. Now we're left to deal with the underlying problem that we've
avoided for decades. Even if nearly everyone was employed, the vast middle
class still wouldn't have enough money to buy what the economy is capable of
producing.

Where have all the economic gains gone? Mostly to the top. The economists
Emmanuel Saez and Thomas Piketty  <http://www.nber.org/papers/w8467.pdf>
examined tax returns from 1913 to 2008. They discovered an interesting
pattern. In the late 1970s, the richest 1 percent of American families took
in about 9 percent of the nation's total income; by 2007, the
<http://www.cbpp.org/cms/index.cfm?id=2908&fa=view> top 1 percent took in
23.5 percent of total income.

It's no coincidence that the last time income was this concentrated was in
1928. I do not mean to suggest that such astonishing consolidations of
income at the top directly cause sharp economic declines. The connection is
more subtle.

The rich spend a much smaller proportion of their incomes than the rest of
us. So when they get a disproportionate share of total income, the economy
is robbed of the demand it needs to keep growing and creating jobs.

What's more, the rich don't necessarily invest their earnings and savings in
the American economy; they send them anywhere around the globe where they'll
summon the highest returns - sometimes that's here, but often it's the
Cayman Islands, China or elsewhere. The rich also put their money into
assets most likely to attract other big investors (commodities, stocks,
dot-coms or real estate), which can become wildly inflated as a result.

Meanwhile, as the economy grows, the vast majority in the middle naturally
want to live better. Their consequent spending fuels continued growth and
creates enough jobs for almost everyone, at least for a time. But because
this situation can't be sustained, at some point - 1929 and 2008 offer ready
examples - the bill comes due.

This time around, policymakers had knowledge their counterparts didn't have
in 1929; they knew they could avoid immediate financial calamity by flooding
the economy with money. But, paradoxically, averting another Great
Depression-like calamity removed political pressure for more fundamental
reform. We're left instead with a long and seemingly endless Great Jobs
Recession.

THE Great Depression and its aftermath demonstrate that there is only one
way back to full recovery: through more widely shared prosperity. In the
1930s, the American economy was completely restructured. New Deal measures -
Social Security, a 40-hour work week with time-and-a-half overtime,
unemployment insurance, the right to form unions and bargain collectively,
the minimum wage - leveled the playing field.

In the decades after World War II, legislation like the G.I. Bill, a vast
expansion of public higher education and civil rights and voting rights laws
further reduced economic inequality. Much of this was paid for with a 70
percent to 90 percent marginal income tax on the highest incomes. And as
America's middle class shared more of the economy's gains, it was able to
buy more of the goods and services the economy could provide. The result:
rapid growth and more jobs.

By contrast, little has been done since 2008 to widen the circle of
prosperity. Health-care reform is an important step forward but it's not
nearly enough.

What else could be done to raise wages and thereby spur the economy? We
might consider, for example, extending the earned income tax credit all the
way up through the middle class, and paying for it with a tax on carbon. Or
exempting the first $20,000 of income from payroll taxes and paying for it
with a payroll tax on incomes over $250,000.

In the longer term, Americans must be better prepared to succeed in the
global, high-tech economy. Early childhood education should be more widely
available, paid for by a small 0.5 percent fee on all financial
transactions. Public universities should be free; in return, graduates would
then be required to pay back 10 percent of their first 10 years of full-time
income.

Another step: workers who lose their jobs and have to settle for positions
that pay less could qualify for "earnings insurance" that would pay half the
salary difference for two years; such a program would probably prove less
expensive than extended unemployment benefits.

These measures would not enlarge the budget deficit because they would be
paid for. In fact, such moves would help reduce the long-term deficits by
getting more Americans back to work and the economy growing again.

Policies that generate more widely shared prosperity lead to stronger and
more sustainable economic growth - and that's good for everyone. The rich
are better off with a smaller percentage of a fast-growing economy than a
larger share of an economy that's barely moving. That's the Labor Day lesson
we learned decades ago; until we remember it again, we'll be stuck in the
Great Recession.

 

Robert B. Reich, a secretary of labor in the Clinton administration, is a
professor of public policy at the University of California, Berkeley, and
the author of the forthcoming "Aftershock: The Next Economy and America's
Future."

Note:
This piece has been updated to reflect today's news.

!DSPAM:2676,4c8340a1177555417175460! 

<<image001.jpg>>

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