Let me try this again.   Earlier I scanned Keith’s comments and the Jared
article  and assumed too much with my last post to Keith.   That’s because
I’m……………………….!.   (I know, it’s a cheap excuse for a shallow post.)     I
should have paid better attention to Keith.     Epigenetics is not a term
that I knew in the context that he used it.    I took a guess for hierarchy
given the breakdown of the word and instead I guessed wrong. (yeah, lazy)


 

Perhaps Keith could explain whether he was speaking geologically (I doubt
it), psychologically, (probably not) or having to do with traits passed
“above” the genetic code from parent to child or some other more modern use
of the term I couldn’t find on the internet.        Basically my response to
Keith is still the same as to Jared Diamond, “it smells like a put down.” 

   

“Someone can’t change and it’s not their fault that they are inferior.”
We call that “the White Man’s Burden.”     

 

Keith you may not mean that but I am epigentically inclined from several
generations of experience with Western anthropological, philological, and
psychometric  scientists to see political hay being made against Native
Peoples by Europeans using their science.      I’ve written quite a bit
about that here and so I won’t go further but I would like to know whether
this is just a rehash of the old “God made them incapable of accepting and
using our aid ” metamorphosed  into an epigenetic propensity that again lets
the “haves” off the hook for screwing with the “have nots” whether natives,
women, gays or African Americans.       Haiti IS a good case in point to a
very old story that goes back, in Haiti, to De Las Casas and  Sepulveda’s
debate about whether these bundles of epigenes were even human.    

 

As I see it, the West has screwed with Haiti from the moment they met those
naked beauties on the beach and contemplated conquest only to have them die
off inconveniently.     Next came the slaves from Africa who brought more
than just arms and legs with them.     They brought a subtle society and
religion that created much more than the West has seriously studied with the
exception of Wade Davis but we don’t do him on this list.     

 

As for the “leading a horse to water” metaphor that Keith made below.
I don’t know Haiti but the water at many of the Caribbean  Islands is laced
with Shistosomiasis and it would be dangerous for that rider to walk in that
water as the horse knowing better refuses to drink the water.      You have
to know the country and who you are helping which is the point.  

 

That was my only point.     

 

Kant said that you couldn’t give a gift if you owed a debt.     That you
were stealing from the person you owed.    I tend to believe that we should
be careful with the way we fund and subtle with the way we intervene because
I believe the universe balances its books.     You could call me a believer
in Creator Economics.        Energy exchange is the entropic rule as I
understand it.     Barter is energy exchange, the merchant has added cash
and a middle man to that.      But all debts are ultimately paid to the
universe and there are no free riders.     People who believe in the free
ride have their souls eaten by the insects of the universe.     

 

First you ask and then only volunteer when you are sure that you can be
responsible for the effect of your contribution.    A bad effect is like
introducing a computer virus that does one good thing but then mutates and
wipes everything.    Ignorance is no excuse.    We are all responsible.

 

REH     

 

From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Keith Hudson
Sent: Monday, November 22, 2010 3:32 AM
To: RE-DESIGNING WORK, INCOME DISTRIBUTION, EDUCATION; Michael Gurstein
Subject: Re: [Futurework] Save Haiti From Aid Tourists

 

Following Michael Gurstein's posting of the Guardian article on Haiti
(below), the now classsic essay of Jared Diamond might also be of interest
to FWers. This compares basket-case Haiti with the relatively prosperous
Dominica which lies immediately next door on the same island. It is
extracted from his book Collapse.

In addition to the environmental differences in rainfall between the two
countries, Jared Diamond ascribes much more of the blame on the previous
French colonization and the subsequent culture of dependency that followed.
What might be added to Jared Diamond's thesis -- and which confirms it in
spades -- is a whole series of momentous discoveries of epigenes from
biological research which have only appeared since the book was published.
It is now known that the most subtle predispositions -- behavioural and
physiological -- can be inherited and can last for generations. This not
only explains why the culture of any nation (never mind just Haiti) can take
generations to change, but also why the main motivation for change can only
be initiated from within the culture itself. Outside help may, or may not,
be beneficial but it can only be a catalyst at best. "You can lead a horse
to water but . . .  " or, as one of the Canadian NGO benefactors in the
Guardian account says: "As soon as we leave, everything stops. You try to
teach . . . but really you just touch the people you deal with directly."

Keith
P.S. Incidentally, this article also demonstrates the previous topic on FW
-- that no local community, however large (as are the cases of Haiti and
Dominica) can exist by itself without trading specializations of its own
with those from other places. 

<<<<
Haiti and the Dominican Republic: One Island, Two Worlds  

1086c81.jpgJared Diamond

Why did the political, economic and ecological histories of these two
countries -- the Dominican Republic and Haiti -- sharing the same island
unfold so differently? 

Part of the answer involves environmental differences. The island of
Hispaniolas rains come mainly from the east. Hence the Dominican (eastern)
part of the island receives more rain and thus supports higher rates of
plant growth. 

Hispaniolas highest mountains (over 10,000 feet high) are on the Dominican
side, and the rivers from those high mountains mainly flow eastwards into
the Dominican side. 

The Dominican side has broad valleys, plains and plateaus and much thicker
soils. In particular, the Cibao Valley in the north is one of the richest
agricultural areas in the world. 


Environmental differences


In contrast, the Haitian side is drier because of that barrier of high
mountains blocking rains from the east. 

Compared to the Dominican Republic, the area of flat land good for intensive
agriculture in Haiti is much smaller, as a higher percentage of Haitis area
is mountainous. There is more limestone terrain, and the soils are thinner
and less fertile and have a lower capacity for recovery. 


Social and political differences


Note the paradox: The Haitian side of the island was less well endowed
environmentally but developed a rich agricultural economy before the
Dominican side. The explanation of this paradox is that Haitis burst of
agricultural wealth came at the expense of its environmental capital of
forests and soils. 

This lesson is, in effect, that an impressive-looking bank account may
conceal a negative cash flow. 

While those environmental differences did contribute to the different
economic trajectories of the two countries, a larger part of the explanation
involved social and political differences of which there were many that
eventually penalized the Haitian economy relative to the Dominican economy. 

In that sense, the differing developments of the two countries were
over-determined. Numerous separate factors coincided in tipping the result
in the same direction. 


French help


One of those social and political differences involved the accident that
Haiti was a colony of rich France and became the most valuable colony in
Frances overseas empire. The Dominican Republic was a colony of Spain, which
by the late 1500s was neglecting Hispaniola and was in economic and
political decline itself. 

Hence, France was able to invest in developing intensive slave-based
plantation agriculture in Haiti, which the Spanish could not or chose not to
develop in their side of the island. France imported far more slaves into
its colony than did Spain. 


A difference in population


As a result, Haiti had a population seven times higher than its neighbor
during colonial times and it still has a somewhat larger population today,
about ten million versus 8.8 million. 

But Haiti's area is only slightly more than half of that of the Dominican
Republic. As a result, Haiti, with a larger population and smaller area, has
double the Republi's population density. 

The combination of that higher population density and lower rainfall was the
main factor behind the more rapid deforestation and loss of soil fertility
on the Haitian side. 

In addition, all of those French ships that brought slaves to Haiti returned
to Europe with cargos of Haitian timber, so that Haiti's lowlands and
mid-mountain slopes had been largely stripped of timber by the mid-19th
century. 




Long-term investing


A second social and political factor is that the Dominican Republic -- with
its Spanish-speaking population of predominantly European ancestry -- was
both more receptive and more attractive to European immigrants and investors
than was Haiti, with its Creole-speaking population composed overwhelmingly
of black former slaves. 

Hence, European immigration and investment were negligible and restricted by
the constitution in Haiti after 1804 but eventually became important in the
Dominican Republic. 


Using the land


Those Dominican immigrants included many middle-class business people and
skilled professionals who contributed to the countrys development. 

The people of the Dominican Republic even chose to resume their status as a
Spanish colony from 1812 to 1821, and its president chose to make his
country a protectorate of Spain from 1861 to 1865. 

Still another social difference contributing to the different economies is
that, as a legacy of their country's slave history and slave revolt, most
Haitians owned their own land, used it to feed themselves and received no
help from their government in developing cash crops for trade with overseas
European countries. 

The Dominican Republic, however, eventually did develop an export economy
and overseas trade. 


Deforestation


Haitis elite identified strongly with France rather than with their own
landscape, did not acquire land or develop commercial agriculture and sought
mainly to extract wealth from the peasants. 

Finally, Haitis problems of deforestation and poverty compared to those of
the Dominican Republic have become compounded within the last 40 years. 


Burned by biofuel


Because the Dominican Republic retained much forest cover and began to
industrialize, the Trujillo regime initially planned, and the regimes of
Balaguer and subsequent presidents constructed, dams to generate
hydroelectric power. Balaguer launched a crash program to spare forest use
for fuel by instead importing propane and liquefied natural gas. 

But Haitis poverty forced its people to remain dependent on forest-derived
charcoal from fuel, thereby accelerating the destruction of its last
remaining forests. 


At 22:13 21/11/2010 -0800, you wrote:





-----Original Message-----
From: Portside Moderator [mailto:[email protected]] 
Sent: Sunday, November 21, 2010 9:25 PM
To: [email protected]
Subject: [SPAM] Save Haiti From Aid Tourists


Save Haiti From Aid Tourists
The 'republic of NGOs' is in a vicious circle of 
dependence and institutional infantilism
Rory Carroll
The Guardian
16 November 2010
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/nov/16/haiti-aid-ngo

There was so much goodness packed on to the plane there
was almost no room for me. I had a boarding pass but by
the time I got to the gate every seat was filled. This
was American Airlines flight 575 from Miami to Port-au-
Prince and the passengers were on a mission to help
Haiti. A volunteer agreed to take a later flight and I
squeezed on.

The front rows had people in orange T-shirts, further on
there were blue ones and at the back lime-green, each
with a Haiti-related logo. Instead of the in-flight
magazine, people were reading engineering manuals,
budget reports, the Bible and books with titles such as Touching Them Now
and Forever.

Spirits were high. We were on our way to another world,
which would provide a sense of purpose, not to mention adventure. "Welcome
aboard!" beamed the steward. Two hours later, as we trooped off into
blinding Caribbean sun, the steward was still beaming. "Bye bye!"

I was too depressed to smile back. During the flight I
had been reminded by the passenger seated beside me how do-gooding outsiders
can screw up Haiti. What made it all the sadder was the fact he was nice,
decent and humane. It is harsh to identify Ed Hettinga and his group,
Mission to Haiti Canada, as exemplars of an unfolding tragedy. Each member
was coming on his and her own time and dime (air fare alone, £980) and was
almost certain to improve the lives of some Haitians.

Villains in Haiti's suffering include France, which
crippled its former colony with two centuries of immoral
debt; the US, which bullied Haiti to cut food tariffs,
swamping the country with US imports and destroying
homegrown agriculture; donors who have welched on
funding pledges; and Haiti's political and business
elite, cocooned in luxury and indifference.

But what about people such as Hettinga, a retired dairy
farmer from Ontario who is treasurer of a well-meaning non-governmental
organisation? Where other westerners wring their hands, he wraps his around
buckets of cement and builds houses. Hettinga can be admired, and his heart
is in the right place. But in Haiti's ongoing disaster, his NGO - and
thousands of others - is one reason why so much international goodwill has
added up to so little.

Mission to Haiti Canada, founded in 1997, raised £32m
after January's earthquake for medical treatment, drugs, housing and to run
six schools and an orphanage. "We are faith-based but non-denominational,"
said Ed. "We don't evangelise and don't care if people are voodoo or
whatever. We just want to help."

In April a team of 28 Canadians and 38 Haitians built a hurricane-proof
two-room house. "It cost $6,000 and we did it right, just like back home.
Why should we expect people here to live in garbage?" says Hettinga. The
plan was for locals to build dozens more. "We're teaching them. The idea is
to be self-sustaining." The NGO spent $10,000 shipping a container with
three big tents, clothes, rice and beans. They felt they were filling a
vacuum left by a useless, predatory state.

Sounds noble, but consider this: more than 1 million
homeless people urgently need housing. Here you can
build a decent home for a fraction of what the Canadians
spend. The group, which does not speak Creole, relies on
a young local fixer to select beneficiaries, disburse
funds and keep records. Locals have no realistic way to
build in the absence of occasional Canadian visitors.
The group has zero contact, and therefore no
coordination, with the housing, health or education
ministries. Hettinga's cheerful countenance briefly
clouded as he acknowledged some problems. "As soon as we
leave, everything stops. You try to teach . . . but
really you just touch the people you deal with
directly."

Better than nothing? Consider that this picture is
multiplied across Haiti via more than 9,000
organisations. It is a republic of NGOs. Most are not registered, pay no tax
and are not accountable. They shun cost-benefit analysis but soak up aid
money, saying Haiti's state is incompetent and corrupt. The latter may be
true but is a self-serving argument, which starves the government of
resources and legitimacy, creating a vicious circle of dependence and
institutional infantilism.

How can Haitians make policy when foreign-run fiefdoms
suck up funds for pet projects? How can local farmers
harvest crops when free food floods markets? These
questions were far from the minds of the passengers of
Flight 575 as they spilled out of the plane rubbing
their hands with anti-bacterial gel and shooing away
tip-hungry porters. "I'm just here for the ride,"
grinned an amiable, skinny teen from Kentucky's Grace Foundation. "I'm not
sure what we're going to do. Build a wall, I think, move some concrete."

There are some professional NGOs that are registered and
do excellent work - Christian Aid, MSF and Oxfam, among
others - but despite jargon about "capacity building"
they too breed dependence. The solution is not for all foreigners to pack up
and leave. Haiti needs NGO help. But it also needs to rein in aid tourists
who turn the country into a zoo and to fold the serious NGOs into a
coherent, Haitian-directed strategy. Fingers crossed the 28 November
election produces a strong government to start the process.

___________________________________________

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