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Subject: Globalisation: The redistribution of hope | The Economist


http://www.economist.com/node/17732859?story_id=17732859


The Economist
Dec 16th 2010 | from PRINT EDITION 


Globalisation

The redistribution of hope

Optimism is on the move—with important consequences for both the hopeful and
the hopeless 


“HOPE” is one of the most overused words in public life, up there with
“change”. Yet it matters enormously. Politicians pay close attention to
right-track/wrong-track indicators. Confidence determines whether consumers
spend, and so whether companies invest. The “power of positive thinking”, as
Norman Vincent Peale pointed out, is enormous. 

For the past 400 years the West has enjoyed a comparative advantage over the
rest of the world when it comes to optimism. Western intellectuals dreamed
up the ideas of enlightenment and progress, and Western men of affairs
harnessed technology to impose their will on the rest of the world. The
Founding Fathers of the United States, who firmly believed that the country
they created would be better than any that had come before, offered citizens
not just life and liberty but also the pursuit of happiness. 

Not that the West was free of appalling brutality. Indeed, the search for
Utopia can bring out the worst as well as the best in mankind. But the
notion that the human condition was susceptible to continual improvement sat
more comfortably with Western scientific materialism than with, say, the
caste system in India or serfdom in Russia. 

Now hope is on the move. According to the Pew Research Centre, some 87% of
Chinese, 50% of Brazilians and 45% of Indians think their country is going
in the right direction, whereas 31% of Britons, 30% of Americans and 26% of
the French do. Companies, meanwhile, are investing in “emerging markets” and
sidelining the developed world. “Go east, young man” looks set to become the
rallying cry of the 21st century.

Desperation Road

The West’s growing pessimism is reshaping political life. Two years after
Barack Obama’s hope-filled inauguration the mood in Washington is as glum as
it has been since Jimmy Carter argued that America was suffering from
“malaise”. The Democrats’ dream that the country was on the verge of a
1960s-style liberal renaissance foundered in the mid-terms. But the
Republicans are hardly hopeful: their creed leans towards anger and
resentment rather than Reaganite optimism.

Europe, meanwhile, has seen mass protests, some of them violent, on the
streets of Athens, Dublin, London, Madrid, Paris and Rome. If the countries
on the European Union’s periphery are down in the dumps it is hardly
surprising, but there is pessimism at its more successful core too. The
bestselling book in Germany is Thilo Sarrazin’s “Germany Does Away with
Itself”, a jeremiad about the “fact” that less able women (particularly
Muslims) are having more children than their brighter sisters. French
intellectuals will soon have Jean-Pierre Chevènement’s “Is France Finished?”
on their shelves alongside Eric Zemmour’s “French Melancholy”.

The immediate explanation for this asymmetry is the economic crisis, which
has not just shaken Westerners’ confidence in the system that they built,
but also widened the growth gap between mature and emerging economies. China
and India are growing by 10% and 9%, compared with 3% for America and 2% for
Europe. Many European countries’ unemployment rates are disgraceful even by
their own dismal standards: 41% of young Spaniards are unemployed, for
example. And the great American job machine has stalled: one in ten is
unemployed and more than a million may have given up looking for work. But
the change goes deeper than that—to the dreams that have propelled the West.

For most of its history America has kept its promise to give its citizens a
good chance of living better than their parents. But these days, less than
half of Americans think their children’s living standards will be better
than theirs. Experience has made them gloomy: the income of the median
worker has been more or less stagnant since the mid-1970s, and, thanks to a
combination of failing schools and disappearing mid-level jobs, social
mobility in America is now among the lowest in the rich world. 

European dreams are different from American ones, but just as important to
hopes of a peaceful and prosperous future. They come in two forms: an ever
deeper European Union (banishing nationalism) and ever more generous welfare
states (offering security). With the break-up of the euro a possibility, and
governments sinking under the burden of unaffordable entitlements as their
populations age and the number of workers contracts, those happy notions are
evaporating. 


Shifts happen


In the emerging world, meanwhile, they are not arguing about pensions, but
building colleges. China’s university population has quadrupled in the past
two decades. UNESCO notes that the proportion of scientific researchers
based in the developing world increased from 30% in 2002 to 38% in 2007.
World-class companies such as India’s Infosys and China’s Huawei are beating
developed-country competitors.

The rise of positive thinking in the emerging world is something to be
welcomed—not least because it challenges the status quo. Nandan Nilekani of
Infosys says that his company’s greatest achievement lies not in producing
technology but in redefining the boundaries of the possible. If people in
other countries take those ideas seriously, they will make life
uncomfortable for gerontocrats in China and Arabia. 

But there are dangers, too. Optimism can easily become irrational
exuberance: asset prices in some emerging markets have risen too high. And
there is a danger of a Western backlash. Unless developing countries start
taking their responsibility for global security seriously, Americans and
Europeans may begin to wonder why they are policing the world to keep
markets open for others to get rich. 

As for the Westerners’ gloom, it has its uses. There is a growing
recognition that the old rich world cannot take its prosperity for
granted—that it will be overtaken by hungrier powers if it fails to deal
with its structural problems. Americans are beginning to accept that their
country must become less spendthrift. Europeans are realising that they need
to make their economies more agile and innovative. Both are beginning to
treat this crisis as the opportunity that it is.

Nor should Westerners overdo the despair, for the emergence of new great
powers will benefit them, too. True, their governments will find it harder
to boss the rest of the world around; their most desirable properties will
increasingly be owned by foreigners; their children will have to work harder
to get good jobs in an increasingly globalised economy. But the rising
number of Indians, Chinese and Brazilians who can afford to buy their
products and services will help their companies prosper. The countries that
have provided them with workers will increasingly provide them with
customers too.

It may not feel like it in the West, but this is, in many ways, the best of
times. Hundreds of millions are climbing out of poverty. The internet gives
ordinary people access to information that even the most privileged scholar
could not have dreamed of a few years ago. Medical advances are conquering
diseases and extending lifespans. For most of human history, only a
privileged few have reasonably been able to hope that the future would be
better than the present. Today the masses everywhere can. That is surely
reason to be optimistic. 



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