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Subject: [SPAM] The Right Wing Reboots Segregation


The Right Wing Reboots Segregation

By Patricia J. Williams
The Nation
January 6, 2011

http://www.thenation.com/article/157530/right-wing-reboots-segregation

As we pass from 2010 to the new year, Congress resumes
in its conservative-dominated configuration. This new
wave is sustained by a right-wing power base informed
by ideologues who would eviscerate the Fourteenth
Amendment's promise of equality by restricting voting
rights and limiting public expenditures on the
"parasites" who leech off the welfare of "their"
America.

Many of these views, while wrapped in Ayn Rand's
individualist "ethical egoism," protect a political and
social order based on wealth and impermeable group
privilege, one also rooted in a segregationist "us
versus them" mentality, albeit persisting well beyond
the racial divide. Christians versus others. Natives
versus immigrants. English-only speakers versus snooty cosmopolitans.
Inherited privilege versus equality as birthright.

Consider these recent salvos: Arizona State Senator
Russell Pearce is so concerned about the "hijacking" of
the Fourteenth Amendment that he has sponsored a bill
that would refuse issuance of state birth certificates
to children born here whose parents are not legal
citizens. Rand Paul, freshman senator from Kentucky,
believes that the Fair Housing Act is wrong because "a
free society will abide unofficial, private
discrimination, even when that means allowing hate-
filled groups to exclude people based on the color of
their skin." John Cook, the very public member of the
Texas State Republican Executive Committee, wants to
replace Republican Joe Straus, who is Jewish, as
speaker of the Texas House of Representatives because
"We elected a House with Christian, conservative
values. We now want a true Christian, conservative
running it." And Judson Phillips, head of the Tea Party
Nation, has endorsed "the original intent" of
restricting voting rights to citizens who are property
holders because "if you're a property owner, you
actually have a vested stake in the community."

Many policies originally promulgated to maintain
economic supremacy by controlling the movement and
political force of blacks in the Deep South seem to
have come full circle, afflicting not just recent
immigrants but poor and middle-class white people. One
vivid example is the fate of Gene Cranick, an elderly, wheelchair-bound
white resident of Obion County, Tennessee. When a backyard trash fire spread
to his house in October, the fire department arrived, only to watch his home
burn to the ground because Cranick had not paid a $75 yearly "pay to spray"
fee. Cranick had the misfortune to live in an unincorporated area that had
the limited services historically associated with black neighborhoods-when
fire, sewer and police services would stop at the edge of a town based on
the lines of segregation. Richard Kluger's book Simple Justice relates how
in the 1950s civil rights activist Joseph DeLaine's South Carolina home was
apparently targeted by arsonists: "Members of the all-white Summerton fire
department were on hand as the wooden house burned to the ground, but they
made no effort to put out the flames because DeLaine's house, they said, was
beyond the town limits. And it was-by 100 feet." (For those interested in
the details of the legal and political battles for the Fourteenth
Amendment's promise of equal citizenship, I highly recommend Patricia
Sullivan's Lift Every Voice: The NAACP and the Making of the Civil Rights
Movement.)

Just a few weeks ago, while speaking of his youth in
Yazoo City, Mississippi, during the most violent times
of the civil rights movement, Governor Haley Barbour
became positively misty: "I just don't remember it as
being that bad." How bad wasn't it? According to
Barbour, the White Citizens' Council heroically ensured
school integration and bravely kept the Ku Klux Klan at
bay. In fact, the White Citizens' Council set up a
system of all-white private academies that left
Mississippi's public schools virtually all black and
all woefully underfunded. It is true that to some
degree the White Citizens' Council often took public
stances in opposition to the KKK, yet this professed
opposition was not because it was in favor of blacks'
civil rights but because Klan violence attracted
international attention, which was often "bad for
business." So instead the council tended to espouse
resistance to integration through economic threats and
the isolation of entire communities.

Indeed, Haley's elder brother Jeppie was elected mayor
of Yazoo City in 1968 on a platform of economic
isolation of any blacks (or whites) who pressed for integration. Willie
Morris's 1971 book Yazoo: Integration in a Deep-Southern Town details what
Jeppie described as blacks' efforts to "get us on our knees so they can tell
us what to do." "When I came into office I intended to get some paving and
some sewage improvements for the colored," Jeppie said. "But now I can't get
too enthusiastic about it." The time might come, Jeppie warned, for the
whites to retaliate with firings and other measures.

Recently, The Huffington Post ran excerpts from a 1956
article by David Halberstam in which Nick Roberts of
the Yazoo City Citizens' Council explained why fifty-
one of fifty-three blacks who had signed an integration petition withdrew
their names: "If a man works for you, and you believe in something, and that
man is working against it and undermining it, why you don't want him working
for you-of course you don't." This sort of thinking imagines the collective
power of the White Citizens' Council as nothing more than the individual
choices of "a man" in dealing with "that man"-both of whom are syntactically
equally endowed with options and opportunities. In the aggregate, however,
these "preferences" become insidious disguises for a gangsterish mentality
by which the endowed "we" eliminates anything but the narrowest sense of
community. The rest of the polity, marked as "them," remain alien-all while
being chided to pay and pay and pay in order to play. That this creates a
controlling class of the economically privileged-to wit, an oligarchy-seems
utterly lost on the ground these days. _________

Patricia J. Williams, a professor of law at Columbia University,

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