I believe that Pinera is now the most unpopular president since Pinochet.
 
M

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From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Robert Stennett
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Subject: [Futurework] The future of Chile: An interview with Sebastián
Piñera



Very interesting interview, giving a perspective on Chile and South America
that some have already suggested on Futurework.




Barry







https://www.mckinseyquarterly.com/Public_Sector/Management/Managing_crises_a
nd_shaping_the_future_of_Chile_An_interview_with_Sebastian_Pinera_2841










       Managing crises and shaping the future of Chile: An interview with
Sebastián Piñera 


Chile’s president has taken a businesslike approach to recovering from an
earthquake, rescuing miners, and rejuvenating his country’s economy.


JULY 2011 • Dominic Barton and Alejandro Krell

Minutes before the inauguration of Sebastián Piñera as president of Chile,
on March 11, 2010, an earthquake hit his country. While small relative to
the magnitude-8.8 quake that had rocked Chile 12 days before, it still
underscored a key theme of the president’s first year in office: crisis
management, in response both to the earlier, massive earthquake and to the
accident, later in 2010, that trapped 33 miners some 2,300 feet underground
for 69 days. In an interview with McKinsey’s global managing director,
Dominic Barton, and Alejandro Krell, a principal in the firm’s Santiago
office, President Piñera described what he learned from those experiences,
how his background as a business leader influences his governing approach,
and some of his dreams for Chile and Latin America.




Editor’s note: this interview was conducted prior to the March 2011
earthquake and tsunami in Japan.

The Quarterly: What did you learn about crisis management from your
experiences with the earthquake and the mining accident?

President Piñera: One thing I saw is that you cannot lose a second. Very
often, especially in political settings, the first hours or days or even
weeks are spent placing blame and dealing with internal conflicts. With the
oil spill
<https://www.mckinseyquarterly.com/Public_Sector/Management/Managing_crises_
and_shaping_the_future_of_Chile_An_interview_with_Sebastian_Pinera_2841#foot
note1> 1 in the US, they lost two weeks arguing who was to blame. Also, in
the Katrina
<https://www.mckinseyquarterly.com/Public_Sector/Management/Managing_crises_
and_shaping_the_future_of_Chile_An_interview_with_Sebastian_Pinera_2841#foot
note2> 2 case, they lost time arguing what to do.

Both in the earthquake and with the miners, we acted immediately, within the
first few hours. The earthquake happened a few days before we took office,
but when we did we had already designed a plan, which we of course enhanced
later, since it was based mainly on an “outside-in” diagnostic, with
incomplete information. In the case of the miners, we made a decision the
very night of the accident: we were going to take full responsibility for
the search-and-rescue effort for every single person. The private company
that owned the mine was not able to do it. Therefore it was either us or
nobody.

A second important factor for us was concentrating our efforts with the help
of a clear, quick diagnostic and then assigning specific responsibilities
for addressing different needs simultaneously, even though their urgency may
have been different. In the case of the earthquake, one team dealt with the
most urgent challenges; another team focused on providing, before the onset
of winter, shelter for displaced people. A third team began designing
reconstruction plans that required more time—for instance, changing the
design of the regulation plans for cities. All these teams started working
right away. In the case of the miners, we had several rescue plans working
simultaneously, and well before finding them we had a team thinking about
how to address their immediate needs if we did.

A third important factor was acknowledging our limitations and the
complexity of the situation—and requesting external help when it might be
useful and relevant. That was of utter importance in the rescuing of the
miners. Contrast that with the case of the Russian submarine, the Kursk,
<https://www.mckinseyquarterly.com/Public_Sector/Management/Managing_crises_
and_shaping_the_future_of_Chile_An_interview_with_Sebastian_Pinera_2841#foot
note3> 3 where the Russian government didn’t ask for help until it was too
late. The British and the Americans had the technology to rescue them alive,
but the Russians didn’t ask for it.

The Quarterly: Could you speak a little about your career and how you wound
up in this office?

President Piñera: In my life, I have had three vocations. My first was
academic. I went to Harvard, got a PhD in economics, and was a professor in
universities in Chile and abroad for many years.

One day in the late 1970s, I remember saying, “Enough is enough,” and
decided to become an entrepreneur. I created a number of companies,
including one that introduced credit cards to Chile. That was extremely
successful and it gave me the resources to invest in other businesses—in
construction, in airlines, in TV, for example.

Finally, in the late 1980s, as we recovered our democratic system, I decided
to enter public service. I ran as an independent and was elected to be the
senator representing Santiago. After eight years, I didn’t want to run
again. For a time, I focused on some foundations—one that helps educate
young women with low incomes, one oriented toward the environment, one
seeking to promote Chile’s embrace of freedom and democracy—that I had
created along the way. It wasn’t until 2005 that I got back into politics,
first losing a very close race for president to Michelle Bachelet
<https://www.mckinseyquarterly.com/Public_Sector/Management/Managing_crises_
and_shaping_the_future_of_Chile_An_interview_with_Sebastian_Pinera_2841#foot
note4> 4 and then winning four years later.

The Quarterly: Did that background influence the way you shaped your team as
you started governing?

President Piñera: We brought in a lot of people from the private sector and
from universities. To some extent, that was because our party
<https://www.mckinseyquarterly.com/Public_Sector/Management/Managing_crises_
and_shaping_the_future_of_Chile_An_interview_with_Sebastian_Pinera_2841#foot
note5> 5 had been in opposition for 20 years, so our most experienced people
were already in Congress, and we don’t have a parliamentary system, where
members of the House or Senate can easily become ministers. In any event,
just about all our cabinet members have PhDs from very well-known
universities or were extremely successful in the private sector. Most didn’t
have much experience in the public sector, so they had to learn rapidly.

Our foreign-affairs minister, Alfredo Moreno, is an interesting case in
point; basically, he was an entrepreneur with strong interests in
international relations. He’s learning rapidly, and he’s reforming our
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which was a very traditional one. He’s asking
tough questions about the role of his office in advancing Chile’s interests
and suggesting that “old diplomacy” doesn’t work now. One example would be
saying, “Our exports have been stagnant for the last two or three years. We
want our exports to grow by 10 or 15 percent this year. How do we support
the process of looking for new markets?”

The Quarterly: Describe your broader economic goals for Chile.

President Piñera: Chile had 12 magnificent years from 1986 until 1997. Fat
cows. GDP was growing more than 7 percent per year. We were opening up the
country to the rest of the world, creating jobs, and strengthening our
macroeconomic balances.

But something happened in 1998 with the Asian financial crisis, and starting
then we lived through 12 years of lean cows. The growth rate and the rate of
employment growth both went down by half. We went from the Chilean miracle
to the Chilean nap.

Now we are trying to revive the Chilean miracle by striving to become, by
the end of this decade, the first Latin American country able to overcome
underdevelopment and defeat poverty. And this is feasible. Chile is a
country with a $14,000 per capita income. If we can grow at 6 percent per
year for the next eight years, we will achieve $24,000 by 2018. That’s
basically the threshold between the underdeveloped and the developed world;
today, the average per capita income of the OECD
<https://www.mckinseyquarterly.com/Public_Sector/Management/Managing_crises_
and_shaping_the_future_of_Chile_An_interview_with_Sebastian_Pinera_2841#foot
note6> 6 is $26,000. We want to become at least an average member
<https://www.mckinseyquarterly.com/Public_Sector/Management/Managing_crises_
and_shaping_the_future_of_Chile_An_interview_with_Sebastian_Pinera_2841#foot
note7> 7 of the OECD and, hopefully, to go beyond that.

To defeat poverty, we must attack its real causes. There are many, but the
most important ones in Chile, according to our diagnosis, are the lack of
equality in education, our weakness in creating good jobs, and weaknesses in
the family.

We are working on those three areas, but that will take time. So we’ve also
created what we call the ethical family income, which is something similar
to what has been known as a negative income tax. Basically, we will transfer
enough income to families to bring them up to the extreme poverty line. In
order to not create perverse incentives, we will ask something from those
families: their kids have to go to school; if they are working age, they
have to be working or training—things like that, to help our people to help
themselves.

The Quarterly: You’ve also set aggressive goals for creating jobs. 

President Piñera: Yes. We need those jobs—because they will help us defeat
poverty, because we have a very high unemployment rate, and because we are
expecting a huge influx of women into the labor force. Labor force
participation by women is currently very low, and it’s growing rapidly. So
we have to create jobs for them—as many as one million over the next four
years, to help us equal the level of female labor force participation in
other OECD countries.

The Quarterly: How are you going to do that?

President Piñera: To answer that, I need to say a little more about my view
of the role of government. For a long time, I thought there were three basic
pillars for the government: to have a stable, legitimate, democratic system;
to have a free, open market economy, unencumbered by fiscal imbalances; and
to have a state that works. Those pillars were very scarce during the 20th
century in Latin America. Chile was among the first to achieve them, which
helped us outperform some of our neighbors.

But I don’t think that’s enough for what’s coming now. In the society of
knowledge and information, we need at least four new pillars: to give a
quality education to everyone, to invest in technology, to promote
innovation and entrepreneurship, and to have a very flexible society and
economy. This last one is important because the only constant, these days,
is that the world is changing, and we have to be ready to adapt ourselves—to
take advantage of the opportunities and to adjust to the changes that come
from abroad.

Basically, our government’s program is designed to strengthen the three
traditional pillars while creating these four new pillars. So we are
undertaking a huge educational reform—trying to fix a system that hasn’t
worked because it was caught up by all kinds of interest groups. We have a
plan to triple our investment in technology as a percentage of GDP. We are
promoting innovation and entrepreneurship everywhere, including within the
public sector. And of course we are trying to have a more flexible and
adaptive economy and society. All of these things should help with job
creation over time. In the shorter term, boosting exports also will be a
critical factor. 

It’s challenging because we are doing all this while facing the huge costs
of rebuilding what was destroyed by the February 2010 earthquake and the
tsunami that came after. The earthquake devastated us. We lost more than 500
lives. We also lost one-third of our schools and hospitals and suffered
enormous damage to bridges, airports, and ports—all adding up to $30 billion
in losses, which is roughly 18 percent of our GDP. Just to give you a
comparison, the total cost of Hurricane Katrina was less than one-tenth of 1
percent of the US GDP.

The Quarterly: Looking beyond Chile, to your region as a whole, could you
share any thoughts about Latin America’s prospects?

President Piñera: Latin America is incredible; it has everything: huge
natural resources, vast territory, a common culture and language. We haven’t
had religious conflict or the kind of internal wars that the Europeans had
into the 20th century. So everything was here for us to become a developed
continent. This didn’t happen—but I think that now we are waking up and that
this will be a century when many countries go in the right direction.

Mexico, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, Chile—we all have reached a strong consensus
behind a real democracy with the rule of law, separation of powers, and
freedom of the press. We all are creating open, free, competitive market
economies. And we all are trying to achieve more equality of opportunity.

There’s nothing limiting us. Not only did the Iron Curtain and Berlin Wall
fall but another wall that separated the developed countries in the Northern
Hemisphere from the underdeveloped ones in the Southern Hemisphere has
fallen away with globalization, the Internet, and more freely flowing
knowledge. We have access to the same opportunities as any other person in
any other part of the world. Now it’s up to us to work harder, be more
innovative, invest more in technology, and reform our educational system.
It’s our time. And it’s our responsibility—to history and to the future—to
do what our parents and grandparents always wanted to do but never achieved.






About the Authors


Dominic Barton is McKinsey’s global managing director and is based in the
London office; Alejandro Krell is a principal in the Santiago office.



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