-----Original Message-----
From: [email protected] [mailto:[email protected]] On 
Behalf Of Nagraj Adve
Sent: Tuesday, October 02, 2012 1:46 PM
To: Sarai; indiaclimatejustice; Aseem Shrivastava; Thomas Mathew
Subject: [Reader-list] Barry Commoner NYT

The first part of a 3-part obit in the New York Times. Not a good time for old 
people on the left.

Nagraj


Barry Commoner, a founder of modern ecology and one of its most provocative 
thinkers and mobilizers in making environmentalism a people’s political cause, 
died on Sunday in Manhattan. He was 95 and lived in Brooklyn Heights.
Related in Opinion

   - Dot Earth Blog: Barry Commoner's Uncommon 
Life<http://dotearth.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/10/01/barry-commoners-uncommon-life/?ref=us>(October
   1, 2012)

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Jack Fahland/St. Louis Globe Democrat

Barry Commoner in 1971 at Washington University in St. Louis. He believed 
pollution, war and inequality were related issues.
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His wife, Lisa Feiner, confirmed his death.

Dr. Commoner was a leader among a generation of scientist-activists who 
recognized the toxic consequences of America’s post-World War II technology 
boom, and one of the first to stir the national debate over the public’s right 
to comprehend the risks and make decisions about them.

Raised in Brooklyn during the Depression and trained as a biologist at Columbia 
and Harvard, he came armed with a combination of scientific expertise and 
leftist zeal. His work on the global effects of radioactive fallout, which 
included documenting concentrations of strontium 90 in the baby teeth of 
thousands of children, contributed materially to the adoption of the Nuclear 
Test Ban Treaty of 1963.

>From there it was a natural progression to a range of environmental and
social issues that kept him happily in the limelight as a speaker and an author 
through the 1960s and ’70s, and led to a wobbly run for president in 1980.

In 1970, the year of the first Earth Day, Time magazine put Dr. Commoner on its 
cover <http://www.time.com/time/covers/0,16641,19700202,00.html> and called him 
the Paul Revere of Ecology. He was by no means the only one sounding alarms; 
the movement was well under way by then, building on the impact of Rachel 
Carson’s book “Silent Spring” in 1962 and the work of many others. But he was 
arguably the most peripatetic in his efforts to draw public attention to 
environmental dangers.

(The same issue of Time noted that President Richard M. Nixon had already 
signed on. In his State of the Union address that January, he said, “The great 
question of the ’70s is, shall we surrender to our surroundings, or shall we 
make our peace with nature and begin to make reparations for the damage we have 
done to our air, to our land and to our water?” And he followed through: Among 
other steps, the Environmental Protection Agency was established in December 
1970.)

Dr. Commoner was an imposing professorial figure, with a strong face, heavy 
eyeglasses, black eyebrows and a thick head of hair that gradually turned pure 
white. He was much in demand as a speaker and a debater, especially on college 
campuses, where he helped supply a generation of activists with a framework 
that made the science of ecology accessible.

His four informal rules of ecology were catchy enough to print on a T-shirt and 
take to the street: Everything is connected to everything else.
Everything must go somewhere. Nature knows best. There is no such thing as a 
free lunch.

Although the rules were plain enough, the thinking behind them required leaps 
of faith. Dr. Commoner’s overarching concern was not ecology as such but rather 
a radical ideal of social justice in which everything was indeed connected to 
everything else. Like some other left-leaning dissenters of his time, he 
believed that environmental pollution, war, and racial and sexual inequality 
needed to be addressed as related issues of a central problem.

*A Critic of Capitalism*

Having been grounded, as an undergraduate, in Marxist theory, he saw his main 
target as capitalist “systems of production” in industry, agriculture, energy 
and transportation that emphasized profits and technological progress with 
little regard for consequences: greenhouse gases, nonbiodegradable materials, 
and synthetic fertilizers and toxic wastes that leached into the water supply.

He insisted that the planet’s future depended on industry’s learning not to 
make messes in the first place, rather than on trying to clean them up. It 
followed, by his logic, that scientists in the service of industry could not 
merely invent some new process or product and then wash their hands of moral 
responsibility for the side effects. He was a lasting opponent of nuclear power 
because of its radioactive waste; he scorned the idea of pollution credit swaps 
because, after all, he said, an industry would have to be fouling the 
environment in the first place to be rewarded by such a program.
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