Wow!  When those Libertarian States go to work they are really idiotic.
:>))   With states rights America begins more and more to resemble
provincial Europe and its inability to discipline itself with a central
standard and authority.     Meanwhile here's a little more idiocy.    A good
editorial from today's NYTimes.    Since the US under Obama is doing better
than Europe under austerity the NYTimes has finally come around.   Hope it's
not too late. 

 

What was it that John Ruskin said about commerce?    Obviously I quote
Ruskin because his comments to a great extent either paralleled my Cherokee
Teachers or maybe they read and thought about it together in the late 19th
century.   We had good schools until the government disbanded the nation in
1909 with the Dawes Act.   We even had opera houses and singers and dancers.
We would agreed with this British Artist philosopher about ideals.   REH

 

18.    Not less is the respect we pay to the lawyer and physician, founded
ultimately on their self-sacrifice. Whatever the learning or acuteness of a
great lawyer, our chief respect for him depends on our belief that, set in a
judge's seat, he will strive to judge justly, come of it what may.   Could
we suppose that he would take bribes, and use his acuteness and legal
knowledge to give plausibility to iniquitous decisions, no degree of
intellect would win for him our respect. Nothing will win it, short of our
tacit conviction, that in all important acts of his life justice is first
with him; his own interest, second.

   In the case of a physician, the ground of the honour we render him is
clearer still.   Whatever his science, we would shrink from him in horror if
we found him regard his patients merely as subjects to experiment upon; much
more, if we found that, receiving bribes from persons interested in their
deaths, he was using his best skill to give poison in the mask of medicine.

   Finally, the principle holds with utmost clearness as it respects
clergymen. No goodness of disposition will excuse want of science in a
physician, or of shrewdness in an advocate; but a clergyman, even though his
power of intellect be small, is respected on the presumed ground of his
unselfishness and serviceableness.

19.    Now, there can be no question but that the tact, foresight, decision,
and other mental powers, required for the successful management of a large
mercantile concern, if not such as could be compared with those of a great
lawyer, general, or divine, would at least match the general conditions of
mind required in the subordinate officers of a ship, or of a regiment, or in
the curate of a country parish.     If, therefore, all the efficient members
of the so-called liberal professions are still, somehow, in public estimate
of honour, preferred before the head of a commercial firm,  the reason must
lie deeper than in the measurement of their several powers of mind.

   And the essential reason for such preference will he found to lie in the
fact that the merchant is presumed to act always selfishly.   His work may
be very necessary to the community, but the motive of it is understood to be
wholly personal. The merchant's first object in all his dealings must be
(the public believe) to get as much for himself, and leave as little to his
neighbour (or customer) as possible.    Enforcing this upon him, by
political statute, as the necessary principle of his action; recommending it
to him on all occasions, and themselves reciprocally adopting it,
proclaiming vociferously, for law of the universe, that a buyer's function
is to cheapen, and a seller's to cheat, -- the public, nevertheless,
involuntarily condemn the man of commerce for his compliance with their own
statement, and stamp him forever as belonging to an inferior grade of human
personality.

20.    This they will find, eventually, they must give up doing.   They must
not cease to condemn selfishness; but they will have to discover a kind of
commerce which is not exclusively selfish.   Or, rather, they will have to
discover that there never was, or can be, any other kind of commerce;  that
this which they have called commerce was not commerce at all,   but
cozening; and that a true merchant differs as much from a merchant according
to laws of modern political economy, as the hero of the Excursion from
Autolycus.   They will find that commerce is an occupation which gentlemen
will every day see more need to engage in, rather than in the businesses of
talking to men, or slaying them; that, in true commerce, as in true
preaching, or true fighting, it is necessary to admit the idea of occasional
voluntary loss; -- that sixpences have to be lost, as well as lives, under a
sense of duty,  that the market may have its martyrdoms as well as the
pulpit; and trade its heroisms as well as war.     John Ruskin 1862,

 

Interesting.    How does the following fit that?   Who gives the sacrifice
and is it a matter of "class?"    Who is screaming "class" warfare every
time any question is raised?    Is Europe so addicted to the "winner take
all" with the upper class as the only true societal winners, that they can't
constitutionally apply rational solutions that helps the whole population
and rewards competence and inner motivation rather than simple lust to be
rich?   

 

Who knows?   REH

 

 

  _____  

October 23, 2012

The Austerity Trap

In
<http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/23/us/politics/obama-and-romney-meet-in-fore
ign-policy-debate.html> Monday night's presidential debate, Mitt Romney
echoed other Republican politicians, saying that under President Obama's
economic policies, the United States is "heading toward Greece." Mr. Romney
was invoking Greece apparently to make the point that deep and swift budget
cuts are needed in the United States to avoid a debt crisis.

That bizarre comment, sadly, is no surprise in a campaign that has parted
ways with the facts. The president's budget, as scored by the Congressional
Budget Office, would stabilize the ratio of federal debt to the economy over
10 years.

What is more disturbing is that the comment displays willful ignorance about
the lessons of Greece, and such ignorance can only lead to bad policy
decisions at home. The lesson that should be learned from Greece is that its
fiscal mess has been made far worse by severe budget cuts.

 
<http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/cache/ITY_PUBLIC/2-22102012-AP/EN/2-221020
12-AP-EN.PDF> New data from the European Union, released on Monday and
<http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/23/business/global/despite-push-for-austerit
y-eu-debt-has-soared.html> analyzed in The Times by Landon Thomas Jr. and
David Jolly, show that countries that have most ruthlessly cut their budgets
- Greece, especially - have seen their overall debt loads increase as a
share of the economy.

The data provide objective support for what has been clear to just about
everyone except pro-austerity German officials and deficit-crazed Republican
politicians. Namely, deep government budget cuts at a time of economic
weakness are counterproductive, complicating, if not ruining, the chances
for economic growth.

The new European statistics also dovetail with a recent
<http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2012/02/pdf/text.pdf> analysis by
economists from the International Monetary Fund. They found that budget
cutbacks are much more damaging to economies recovering from recession than
has been previously believed. The reason is that with interest rates stuck
near zero, there is no room to lower them when fiscal policy is tightened,
and thus no way to offset the pain of budget cutbacks.

If governments push ahead anyway with deep spending cuts, the result is only
more economic weakness without the hoped for budget improvement. That has
been the case in Greece and other nations of Europe, like Ireland, Portugal,
Spain and Britain. If Republican policies to slash government programs while
excessively cutting taxes were carried out here, the United States would
experience a similar effect.

Taken together, the Greek experience and the recent European research, show
that for the United States, a "grand bargain" on the deficit should include
two main parts: spending in the near term to boost the recovery, coupled
with tax increases, and spending cuts to reduce the deficit as the economy
regains its health.

Mr. Obama is better positioned than Mr. Romney to deliver that agenda. Mr.
Obama could make his jobs plan, introduced last September but blocked by
Congressional Republicans, part of the budget package to be negotiated after
the election, when politicians must agree on tax increases and spending cuts
to avoid the so-called fiscal cliff.

Mr. Romney's agenda is missing a direct focus on jobs, foolishly relying
instead on high-end tax cuts and deregulation to help the recovery. And he
and his party continue to insist on premature deficit reduction that, in a
fragile economy, is the real road to Greece.

 

From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of D & N
Sent: Monday, October 22, 2012 1:51 PM
To: RE-DESIGNING WORK, INCOME DISTRIBUTION, EDUCATION
Subject: [Futurework] water rights: Texas vs. Oklahoma, +++

 

As if drought were not enough. Note: author is a party in this suit.

Natalia
http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1012/82465.html

'Water is for fighting," Mark Twain famously said. Before November's
election, the Supreme Court could thrust Congress into the middle one of the
biggest no-win fights yet in this age of gridlock - a simultaneous
renegotiation of some of the nation's most critical interstate water access
agreements.

The immediate issue is a dispute between Texas (via the Tarrant Regional
Water District, which serves Fort Worth and surrounding areas) and Oklahoma.
Yet whether the Supreme Court accepts the case (Tarrant Regional Water
District v. Herrmann) for review will determine if much of the country, from
the Great Plains to the Pacific, has assured access to water in the decades
ahead - or will numerous arrangements, in some cases dating back nearly a
century, all become in essence dead letters.

Consider the implications.

Eighteen of the country's fastest-growing metropolitan areas over the next
decade, as projected by a Wharton School study, depend on water allocations
from interstate compacts.

Also at risk is the viability of Native American nations, as well as Western
farmers and ranchers whose livelihoods and very existence depend on water
from interstate compacts.

These include the farmers of Southern California's Imperial and Coachella
Valley, prime sources of winter fruits and vegetables for American
consumers.

Add to the casualties the shale oil, coal and petroleum producers Americans
are counting on to end our dependence on imported energy.

How did so much of the country's future come to hinge on an obscure
litigation between two states?

In September, ruling on the Tarrant case, the 10th Circuit reread language
in the Red River Compact - an interstate water allocation agreement among
Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas - to mean that water sharing among
the signatories was voluntary, not mandatory - raising the question, why did
the states negotiate the complex agreement at all?

The compact is one of the nation's 26 interstate water access pacts. It was
passed into state law by the four negotiating legislatures and then passed
by Congress into federal law. Despite all this, according to the court, if
Oklahoma doesn't want to allow Texas to use the water set aside for it in
the legislation, it doesn't have to.

To make matters worse, the decision turned on a provision that, in various
formulations, is common to many of the nation's interstate water compacts.
The provision says that when one state gives another the right to tap its
water, it doesn't give up the right to enforce state laws on the waterway,
or to impose its environmental standards, or anything else - other than the
water itself.

This kind of "we mean what we say and nothing more" language is in almost
every major contract ever written. But, amazingly, the 10th Circuit panel
read it to say that Oklahoma did not have to allow Texas the water
guaranteed to it at all.

The TRWD appealed to the Supreme Court, which in April asked the Solicitor
General whether it should hear the case. The Solicitor General's brief is
expected in the fall or winter and the justices' decision will come not long
after that.

If the high court denies the petition for certiorari (that is, refuses to
take the case) the ruling of the 10th Circuit's three-judge panel will
become federal law in the states under the circuit's jurisdiction -
Colorado, Kansas, New Mexico, Oklahoma, Utah and Wyoming - and may guide
other circuits.

The implications for the American West are immense.

Through these states pass the Colorado River (source of water to cities from
Denver to Salt Lake City to Phoenix and all of Southern California) and the
Yellowstone River (which provides water to fracking operations in the High
Plains). Even the Arkansas River, from which, ironically, northern and much
of western Oklahoma receives water, comes under the ruling. Interstate water
access compacts govern all three rivers. Already, Wyoming has expressed
opposition to diversion of allocated water bound for the Denver region
despite the Upper Colorado River Compact's promises.

In short, if the Supreme Court decides not to hear this case, Congress will
have no choice but to engage in what could easily become as many as two
dozen massively contentious negotiations on which will hinge the futures of
numerous metropolitan areas and other communities, as well as industries,
agricultural regions and Native American tribes.

America could be on the edge of water anarchy.

James M. Oliver is general manager of the Tarrant Regional Water District, a
party in this suit.

 

 

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