The Wallerstein article reminded me of something that is going on in urban 
settings, like the one we live in here in Ottawa.  It may not be a closely 
related process to what Wallerstein is talking about, but there are 
similarities.  

When we moved into our neighbourhood, there were about half a dozen little 
general stores in the neighbourhood.  Then "The Great Canadian Superstore" 
moved in.   One by one the little stores disappeared, their proprietors perhaps 
having gone to work for Loblaws.  There aren't any left now.

Ed

  ----- Original Message ----- 
  From: Sally Lerner 
  To: [email protected] 
  Sent: Tuesday, April 16, 2013 10:21 AM
  Subject: [Futurework] FW: Immanuel Wallerstein's Commentary No. 351


  Wallerstein is always worth listening to. He posts twice a month.   Sally


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  From: Commentary Subscribers [[email protected]] on behalf of 
Becky Dunlop [[email protected]]
  Sent: Monday, April 15, 2013 4:51 AM
  To: [email protected]
  Subject: Immanuel Wallerstein's Commentary No. 351


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                                            Commentary No. 351, April 15, 2013

                                              "End of the Road for Runaway 
Factories?"



  Ever since there has been a capitalist world-economy, one essential mechanism 
of its successful functioning has been the runaway factory. After a period of 
significant accumulation of capital by so-called leading industries (usually 
about twenty-five years), the level of profit has gone down, both because of 
the undermining of the quasi-monopoly of the leading industry and because of 
the rise in labor costs due to syndical action of some sort.



  When this happened, the solution was for the factory to "runaway." What this 
means is that the site of production was transferred to some other part of the 
world-system that had "historically lower wage levels." In effect, the 
capitalists who controlled the leading industries were trading increased 
transaction costs for reduced labor costs. This maintained significant income 
for them, if nonetheless lower than in the previous period when they still had 
a quasi-monopoly.



  The reason why labor costs were lower in the new location is that the runaway 
factory recruited labor from rural areas that were previously less involved in 
the market economy. For these rural workers, the opportunity to work in these 
runaway factories represented a rise in real income, while at the same time for 
the owners of the runaway factory these workers were being paid less than those 
who had been working in the previous location. This is what is called a win-win 
solution. 



  The problem with this seemingly wonderful solution has always been that it 
was not lasting. After about another twenty-five years, the workers in the new 
location began to launch syndical action, and the cost of their labor began to 
rise. When it rose enough, the owners of the runaway factory had only one real 
option - to runaway once again. Meanwhile, new leading industries were being 
constructed in zones that had accumulated wealth. Thus, there has been a 
constant movement of the location of industries of all sorts. Quasi-monopolies 
after quasi-monopolies! Runaway factories after runaway factories!



  It has been a marvel of capitalist adjustment to a long process of constant 
change of circumstance. This marvelous system has however depended on one 
structural element - the possibility of finding new “virgin” areas for 
relocation of runaway factories. By virgin areas, I mean rural zones that were 
relatively uninvolved in the world market economy.



  However, over the past 500 years, we have been "using up" such areas. This 
can be measured quite simply by the de-ruralization of the world's populations. 
Today, such rural areas are reduced to a minority of the world's surface, and 
it seems likely that by 2050, they will be a very, very small minority. 



  To see the consequences of such massive de-ruralization, we need only turn to 
an article in The New York Times of April 9. It is entitled "Hello, Cambodia." 
The article describes the "flocking" to Cambodia of factories that are fleeing 
China because of the rise of wage-levels in China, a previous recipient of such 
runaway factories. However, the article continues, "multinational companies are 
finding that they can run from China's rising wages but cannot truly hide."



  The problem for the multinationals is that the incredible expansion of 
communications has caused the end of the win-win situation. Workers in Cambodia 
today have begun syndical action after only a few years, not after twenty-five. 
There are strikes and pressure for higher wages and benefits, which they are 
receiving. This of course reduces the value for the multinationals of moving to 
Cambodia, or Myanmar, or Vietnam, or the Philippines. It now turns out that the 
savings of moving from China are not all that great.



  The Times article notes that "some factories have moved anyway, at the 
request of Western buyers who fear depending on a single country." Conclusion 
of a manufacturing consultant: There are risks of moving to Cambodia, but 
"there's a risk in staying in China, too." In any case, is there somewhere to 
move the runaway factory? Or is Cambodia the end of the line?



  The bottom line is that the combination of already enormous and still 
increasing de-ruralization and the rapidity with which workers can learn of 
their relatively low wages and therefore begin to take syndical action has 
resulted in a continuing rise in the pay levels of the least skilled workers, 
and therefore a worldwide negative pressure of the possibilities of 
accumulating capital. This is not good news for the large multinationals.




  This is all one element in what has become the structural crisis of the 
modern world-system. We are experiencing a combination of ever-increasing 
austerity pressures on the 99% with a capitalist system that is no longer so 
profitable for capitalists. This combination means that capitalism as a 
world-system is on its way out. 



  Both sides are seeking alternatives - but obviously different ones. We are 
collectively facing a "choice" over the next decades. One possibility is a new 
non-capitalist system that replicates (and perhaps worsens) the three essential 
features of capitalism - hierarchy, exploitation, and polarization. The other 
possibility is a new system that is relatively democratic and relatively 
egalitarian. The latter system, one should underline, has never existed in the 
history of the world. But it is possible.



  In any case, Cambodia is not the future of the modern world-system. It 
represents rather the last vestiges of a mechanism that no longer performs its 
task in salvaging capitalism.



  by Immanuel Wallerstein



  -- 
  Becky Dunlop
  Secretary, Fernand Braudel Center
  Binghamton University
  PO Box 6000
  Binghamton NY 13902
  http://www.binghamton.edu/fbc/ 


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