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From: Sid Shniad [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
Sent: August 21, 2000 2:18 PM
Subject: New Zealand's Privatization Push Devastated the Country, Rather
Than Saving It - The National Post


The National Post                               Tuesday, August 15, 2000

New Zealand's Privatization Push Devastated the Country, Rather Than Saving
It

        by Murray Dobbin

        It has been so long since anyone in the business press has praised 
the New Zealand "miracle," it's almost as if we imagined the whole thing. 
But, of course, the current silence is really no mystery. The 15-year free 
market experiment has been an unmitigated disaster. The suffering 
caused among ordinary New Zealanders is well known: the highest 
youth suicide rate in the developed world; the proliferation of food banks; 
huge increases in violent and other crime; the bankruptcy of half the 
farms in the country; the economic disruption of hundreds of thousands 
of lives; health care,  education and other social services devastated by 
the mad marketplace scientists.
        But, of course, neo-liberal ideologues don't hold much truck with
the 
human consequences of their experiments. So let's examine those 
things they do care about. The revolutionaries promised to tear down the 
"debt wall," unleash spectacular economic growth, spur foreign 
investment and productivity, create enormous new wealth and new and 
better jobs.
        They failed on every count. Instead of a brave new economy, they 
delivered an economic version of Frankenstein's monster. The initial 
wave of changes -- deregulation, privatization, tariff elimination -- was 
justified by the infamous debt crisis. This was a ruse all along. Even Sir 
Roger Douglas admitted this when I interviewed him in 1992. The "crisis" 
New Zealand faced post-election in 1984 was a currency crisis brought 
on by Mr. Douglas himself.
        As for the debt in 1984, it was NZ$22-billion, but after 10 years of

experimenting, it had doubled to NZ$45-billion -- in spite of the sell-off
of 
NZ$16-billion in state enterprises. Today, it has finally returned to 1984 
levels, but only through more Crown asset sales.
        And economic growth? In the years 1985-92, average economic 
growth in the OECD countries totalled 20%, while in New Zealand it was 
negative, at -1%. The promised creation of enormous new wealth went 
into reverse: Real GDP in 1992, at 5%, was below the 1985-86 level. A 
burst of growth from 1993 to 1995 petered out, and the economy 
steadily declined until it dipped into negative territory in 1998, posting
the 
fourth-worst growth in the OECD.
        The transformation of the economy was supposed to spur foreign 
investment, but it mostly meant a feeding frenzy on domestic corporate 
assets. In 1993, the proportion of GDP in investments was just 70% of 
what it was in 1984.
        The restructuring of the economy failed most dramatically on the 
unemployment front, and the country has never managed to get back to 
anywhere near the 1984 level of 4%. The "workless and wanting work" 
figure peaked at more than 18% in 1993. In 1999, that figure had been 
reduced only to 11.2%.
        The radicals also promised increases in productivity, but again,
they 
failed to deliver. After eight years of restructuring and massive labour 
deregulation, New Zealand's productivity began a steady decline in 
comparison with its neighbour, Australia. From 1978 to 1990, the rates 
had been similar. The gap steadily increased between 1990 and 1998, 
with Australia posting a 21.9% increase and New Zealand just 5.2%.
        Only the wealthy in New Zealand could see any benefit from this 
destructive exercise in social engineering. Between 1984 and 1996, the 
top 10% of income earners measurably increased their share of total 
income. The lowest 10% lost 21.6% of their 1984 income. More than 
50% of the total working population had lower real income in 1996 than 
in 1984.
        There are lessons from New Zealand, but they do not involve 
adopting that tortured country as a model.
        The first lesson is that the unfettered application of ideology is 
inevitably destructive -- not just to democracy, social peace and equality 
but to the economy. Even as the revolution continued to deliver 
disastrous results, its promoters claimed it was because it had not gone 
far enough.
        The second lesson is that parliamentary democracy Anglo-Saxon 
style has proven extremely vulnerable to the ravages of ideology. A 
virtual executive dictatorship can implement policies that are never even 
debated during elections -- as happened in New Zealand in 1984. The 
only thing that stopped the zealots from going even further was the 
introduction of proportional representation in the early 1990s and the 
subsequent election of minority governments.
        And that leads to the last lesson: Globalization is not inevitable,
nor 
is it irreversible. The current New Zealand government (a coalition of a 
chastened Labour party and the left-wing Alliance) is unfortunately still 
committed to signing free trade and investment agreements. But it is 
reversing many of the most destructive policies. Included in this rethink 
are a reversal of the privatization of Accident Compensation Insurance; 
an immediate rise in pensions; a halt to the sale of public housing and a 
commitment to rebuilding the public housing stock; the appointment of a 
review committee on electricity pricing; the freezing of tariffs on clothing

and footwear; and the re-recognition of unions.
        The pity is that New Zealanders had to suffer through so much in the

first place.

Murray Dobbin is a freelance writer and author based in Vancouver.

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