Hi All:

The immediate response regarding the FTAA item by Prof John McMurtry
encourages me to post it. The item is copyright material. I justify it in
three ways. the importance of the issue, the encoragement that Prof
McMurtry needs and is entitled to for his work, and a promotion for the
publication that supports his view. 

My scanner is antiquated and I have as carefully as possible proof read and
spell checked it. Unfortunately italicised words are copied in plain type. 
The credits are copied from the intermitent (monthly?) E-Posts sent out by
COMER.   The item follows the credits. 

An immensly helpful book that helps to contexulaize Mr McMurty's article is
"Trilateralism (1973) by Prof Holly Sklar, Concordia U. In it she documents
and identifies the Companies and CEO's who divided the world into three
"spheres of influence" and agreed to inventory the world'' natural
resources with the intent to plant the corporate flag on them. It is my
personal supposition that, that project having been completed, the project
currently underway is to plant the corporate flag on the world's publicly
owned developed resources, such as utilities, etc.. 

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"The FTAA and the WTO: The Meta-Program for Global Corporate Rule"

The "Free Trade Area of the Americas" (FTAA) is the latest major campaign
for the occupation of the planet by the global corporate system.  Like its
predecessors, it will not respond to resistance, or move beyond dictation
of more of the same.  This is hecause its program is structured to be
lifeblind.  Only the rights of non-living corporations are recognised.
Only further extension of these corporate rights is in fact implemented -
whatever the latest propaganda about "consulting civil society", or the
crocodile tears about �losing efforts� in Paris and Seattle.  All the new
public relations packaging means is that the propaganda about "inevitable
change" and "global"has failed, and so it is time to calm the people by
agreeing with their concerns, and carry on instituting and enforcing the
program just as before.

The world, however, has woken up to the global corporate coup d�etat, and
people are taking to the streets, now in Quebec City in April 2001.  Yet
the corporate media will continue to block out the life-and-death  issues
at stake, focus on the salable spectacle of a large public confrontation,
blame and trivialize the thousands of opponents who are assaulted for
putting themselves on the line, and return to selling other images and
distractions once the violence entertainment is over.

Meanwhile the deepest and most systemic threat to civil and planetary life
the world has ever faced will persist and increase.  Behind the unfolding
disasters of regional economics and planetary ecosystems melting down, the
threat is driven by an underlying meta-program, in terms of which every
decision, every policy, every regulation and implementation is demanded and
instituted by servant governments.  The meta-principles constituting this
mind-set are robotic, much like the mind-set of a fanatic cult.  But
because they are presupposed by the corporate party and its media and
political servants as the given order of the new world, they are never
exposed as a deranged program of mind.  Only fragments and partial themes
are discerned, not the underlying structure as a dictatorial whole.  The
invisible prison of this agenda for world rule always conforms to the
following meta-principles.

(1) The ultimate subject and sovereign ruler of the world is the
transnational corporation, operating by collective prescription and
enforcement through the World Trade Organization in concert with its
prototype the NAFTA, its European collaborator, the EU, and such derivative
regional instruments as the APEC, the MAI, the FTAA, and so on.  Together
these constitute the hierarchical formation of the planet�s new rule by
extra-parliamentry and transnational fiat.

(2) Individual transnational corporations are the moving parts of this
global corporate system.  They are non-living aggregates of dominant
private stockholders who, as individlial persons, are made legally immune
by "acts of incorporation" from any liability for corporate harms done to
societies, to other individuals, and to the environment, as well from
accumulated corporate debts or offences against national and international
law.  This is the legal armour around the agents of the global corporate
system which affords them unaccountable impunity for whatever damage or
crime they impose on individuals, societies or environments around the world.

(3) Transnational corporations acting in concert through the WTO and its
related supranational constructs prescribe to and are represented by
financed national government parties which act in these matters solely on
behalf of transnational corporate access to foreign markets and resources
with no barriers.  This private corporate rule over governments everywhere
is evident from the general facts that no binding regulation yet protects
any right but that of transnational corporate investors, and not one
article of any already signed international covenant or treaty protecting
human rights, labour or the environment is binding on any part of any one
of these unprecedentedly enforced "agreements".  Indeed, the Kyoto Treaty
on climate-altering gases, the Montreal Protocol on ozone-depleting
chemicals and emissions, the Basel Convention on transboundary pollutants
as well as the entire body of established international solemn agreements
and covenants on human and labour rights have been consistently overridden
by transnational corporate practices or the explicit judgements of WTO
trade panels.

(4) All such treaties and agreements obliging compliance with transnational
corporate rights are proposed, negotiated and finallsed behind closed doors
and wide perimeters of armed force, with police pepper spray, shackles,
harassment or surveillance for those who publiciy protest.  All these
agreements, moreover, rule out any other public participation in or appeal
against their decrees by anvone except corporate or state representatives,
and adjudicate all disputes in secret before unelected authorities and
tribunals, with no public or elected observers of these proceedings
permitted, and with no record of their proceedings published for public
view.  Yet publics across the world are obliged to pay all the costs of
negotiating, instituting and enforcing these absolutist prescriptions to
the world�s nations, and are forced also to pay all the fines and trade
penalties imposed on their own elected governments for legislating
democratic or environmentally protective policies which are deemed to
conflict with this unaccountable transnational regulatory regime.  This
Orwellian arrangement is known as "investor-state dispute resolution�.

(5) All executive authorities within individual corporate bodies are all
the while bound by the "fiduciary duty" to maximize monetized returns to
their corporate stockholders (including in particular themselves) as the
overriding obligation of decisions and actions, thereby compelling them by
corporate charter prescription to minimise all expenditures on protecting
human and nonhuman life by worker pay, social benefits or environmental
regulation.  In this way, it becomes a violation of legally binding
corporate morality for its operations to take account of the life interests
of employees, surrounding communities and environments, or even the future
life of the world ahead of shareholders� continuous maximisation of money
profit.

(6) The system�s universal principle of "rationality� is, in consequence,
to externalise all costs onto other individuals, societies and environments
so that no form of human existence or responsibility such as "citizen" or
"person" or "respecter of other life" is recognised by the corporate
calculus or its state servants.  Only self-maximising "profitable
enterprises" and their "consumers" exist to the mindset.  This form of life
is then everywhere prescribed as "inevitable" for all peoples, and is
proclaimed by its agents to offer societies across the world "no alternative".

(7) "Consumers", in turn, are not co-extensive with human beings or even
the majority, of human beings.  This is because only humans with sufficient
money-demand to purchase corporate products are recognized by this global
system as possessing any right to access any good - from food and water to
housing, health-care and whatever else can be privatised for profit.  What
can be "privatised", or in reality, corporatised for profit, is accordingly
assumed to include ever more of the conditions of planetary existence
without any limit.  Genetic structures, the body�s most basic means of
life, the elements of nature, and publicly funded knowledge are all now
being rapidly disassembled, restructured and appropriated by transnational
corporations for their maximum private control and profit.

(8) Any alternative mode for production or distribution of any priceable
good - socially owned or controlled, publicly subsidized or assisted
domestically, self-sufficient or co-operative, or declared without genetic
modification or corporate additive - is made illegal under transnatioiial
trade regulations.  If any society or government is resistant, its economy
is denounced through state finance and trade offices and global mass media
as "noncompetitive", "protectionist", "monopolist" or "communist", and
attacked on the ground by every means available to the global corporate
system, including transnational trade embargo and armed invasion in
abrogation of international criminal law.  This is the true and grave
meaning of "global market freedom" in the corporate system.

(9) Consumers and investors with sufficient money-demand to exchange within
the global market are, in fact, the only bearers of freedoms recognised by
this system, and are axiomatically assumed to have no upper limit to their
commodity consumption or their demand acquisition, even if an increasing
majority of their fellow citizens or humanity have few or no means of
existence.  This is the "non-satiety" principle of neoclassical economics.
It is also the unstated meaning of "equality of opportunity� in global
market doctrine and practice - the equality of money demand for those who
have it, and no-one else.

(10)There is within the global corporate system no requirement of any kind,
theoretical or practical, to recognize any life need of any individual
(e.g., nourishing food) or society (e.g., nontoxic air) as rightful, or as
a priority, or as an issue of choice within this system, however massive
and extreme the gap between life-deprivation and over-consumption grows.
As a few hundred "investors" exponentially increase their money demand to
more than the total income of the majority of the world�s population with
their "investments" irreversibly stripping the world�s ecosystems at the
same time, no policy is even mooted by the U.N. to regulate this planetary
disaster.  The U.N. Secretary-General, on the contrary, has instituted in
2001 a U.N. "Global Compact" to require all U.N. agencies to enter into
"corporate partnership� with the world�s richest transnational corporations.

(11)Whatever pollution, degradation, overloading, exhaustion or destruction
of local or planetary ecosystems occurs, and however irreversibly
devastating in consequences to human and biodiverse life these damages from
corporate extractions, effluents, and commodities are, there is not one
binding article in any transnational trade treaty or agreement (excepting
intra-European) which protects or seeks to protect any human or
environmental life condition or good.  All "scarcities" thus arising are
assumed, with no scientific evidence to substantiate the assumption, to be
correctable by market price mechanisms alone.  This is why the U.S.
Congress refuses to comply with the Kyoto Treaty until it makes all
pollution abatement measures conform to a system of salable pollution
credits - which have never reduced pollution, but which accord instituted
corporate rights to pollute which can be sold as new and free equity, and
which can be profited from at another, new level of the global market.

(12) However many millions or billions of society�s or the world�s human
population are misemployed, underemployed or starvation-waged with not
enough to live on, and however life-destructive and chronically debiltating
their hours and conditions of work are - a majority of the world altogether
- there is no principle, norm or standard in neoclassical market theory or
global market practice which recognizes or can recognize any of these
depredations of human life as an issue or a problem.  On the contrary, this
life-blind paradigm can only compute these strippings of most of the
world�s people as a new �flexibility of labour supply and a multiple
"opportunity to reduce the costs of lahour� by exercise of new
transnational corporate rights to produce in the lowestcost zones of the
world and sell in the highest-scale markets with no "barriers to trade". 

(13) Any public or government intervention in the presupposition and
implementation of any and all of principles (1) to (12) in any way is
attacked as "an interference in the free market".  Any prior cultural,
historical, or democratic achievement or institution limiting the
systematically life-destructive effects of their unrestricted operation is
deplored as "a distortion" or "impediment to market competition", and
targeted for elimination by transnational trade and investment instrument.
This is a cumulative and always advancing line of demand by endless
transnational regulatory "agreements", and it moves across national borders
and domains of life like a sustained military campaign in its relentless
uniformity of prescriptions to target populations, and its blanket denials
of the destructive effects which follow wherever its occupying forces usurp
evolved ways of life.

(14) No autonomy of domestic market in any good or service, strategic use
of any natural resource or necessity, protected public utility or social
sector, product-safety, quality or licensing standard, local procurement
practice or grant is consistent with the defined principles of this
transnational market regime.  All have been and continuously are,
therefore, slated for challenge and irreversible elimination by trade
prescription or scheduled regulatory assimilation.  This is a pattern
everywhere documentable, but concealed by corporately financed politicians,
the corporate media, and former corporate employees who negotiate the
agreements.  What remains constant through the cumulative momentum and
volume of trade and investment decrees is that every article of tens of
thousands is constructed to guarantce that dominantly transnational
corporations can exploit and increasingly control domestic economies and
public sectors across the world with no curtailing limit permissible in law.

(15) Local, national and global management of the money-demand drivewheels
of this system is over 95% controIled by for-profit corporate financial and
banking institutions which have covertly appropriated control over almost
all government bond issues and investor and consumer lines of credit from
government currency creations, national bank loans and state statutory
reserves.  With no gold or other non-paper standard remaining to control
it, corporate bank and financial leveraging has become effectively
limitless, with central bank interest-rate raises in the new regime applied
only to decrease workers� rising wages and social-sector spending.  This is
the always hidden underside of the system�s propelling domestic and
transnational force, why covert financial deregulation of money-demand
supply is the secret to is every advance, and why no deep limit can be
drawn against world occupation by corporate financial chicanery until the
creation of money demand is constitutionally re-appropriated by public
authority as its essential basis of sovereignty and investment in the
common interest.

Together these underlying principles of the global market system constitute
its fixed and largely unseen meta-structure of perception, understanding
and judgement in accordance with which all its policy formation and
enforced regulation of societies and economies across the world proceed.
There is no principle of "the free market", "investment�, "competition",
"comparative - advantage", "efficiency", "fiscal responsibility", "labour
flexbilty", "inflation control", "growth", "sustainability".  "social
welfare", "national prosperity", "justice", "civil societv participation",
"poverty reduction", or other old or new slogan promulgated by global
market institutions and advocates that does not conform to all of (1)
through (15) in doctrine and effect.  Whenever it is claimed otherwise, ask
for the evidence from any "free trade agreement" on the planet.  The
response will always be silence, diversion to another topic, and, if the
question is pursued publicly, surveillance by the police.

However well-placed its hirelings, this in mind-locked creed is corporately
self-driven and self-referential, and threatens to usurp every level of
social and ecological life condition still existing.  Given its invasionary
past and history, we should not be surprised.  Like every Pharaoh of the
past, it will topple - the more totalitarian, the more complete the
collapse.  But remember who advocates for this regime now, for they are
agents of the corporate occupation of all of the world�s societies and
ecosystems by decreed financial and market mechanisms never electorally
agreed to by any people on earth.

John McMurtry, Ph. D., is a Professor qf Pilosophy at the Universsity of
Guelph, and the author of Unequal Freedoms: �The Global Market as an
Ethical System (Toronto and  Westport CT: Garamond and Kumarian Press),
1998, and The Cancer Stage of Capitalism (London and Tokyo: Pluto and
SpringerVerlag, 1999 and 2001), He is completing his forthcoming book,
Value Wars, which will be published by Pluto Press in 2001.






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