Recently I sent FW an article by John Polanyi. He is a Nobel prize 
winning chemist who coordinated the writing of a letter signed by 100 
other Nobel prize winners. In the article I sent, Professor Polanyi 
wrote:

>"The answer is that one's perception of truth comes not from 
>intelligence but from a sense of values."

I see a lot of truth in what this remarkable woman writes. FW of late 
reminds me  of a house party where all the men end up in one room and 
all the women in another. Might it have to do with our sense of 
values?

  Message from the Chair
  Fall 1999
  Who's In Charge of the Global Economy?
  By Maude Barlow

  The dominant development model of our time is economic
  globalization, a system fuelled by the belief that a single global
  economy with universal rules set by global corporations and
  financial markets is inevitable. Everything is for sale, even those
  areas of life once considered sacred. Increasingly, these services
  and resources are controlled by a handful of transnational
  corporations who shape national and international law to suit their
  interests. At the heart of this transformation is an all-out assault 
on virtually every public
  sphere of life, including the democratic underpinning of our legal systems.

  The most important tool in this assault has been the creation of 
international trade agreements
  whose tribunals and enforcement measures supersede the legal systems 
of nation-states and
  supplant their judicial processes by setting up independent dispute 
resolution systems that exist
  outside the confines of their courts and their laws.

  For instance, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) gave American
  corporations Chapter 11, the first "investor state clause" in any 
international agreement. For
  the first time, a corporation can sue a foreign government if that 
government enacts any law,
  practice or measure that negatively affects the company's profits or 
reputation, even if that law,
  practice or measure has been enacted by a democratic legislature for 
legitimate environmental,
  social, health or safety reasons.

  There are several active Chapter 11 cases now in process. The first 
was lodged by Ethyl Corp.
  of Virginia, when Canada legislated a ban on the cross-border sale 
of MMT - which Prime
  Minister Chr�tien called a dangerous neurotoxin - and Ethyl sued the 
Canadian government for
  $350 million in damages for lost future profit. Rather than allow 
the case to go to a NAFTA
  panel where it feared it would lose, the Canadian government 
reversed its ban in July 1998,
  paid Ethyl $20 million in compensation for its "trouble," and gave 
the company a letter of
  apology containing a statement that there is no scientific evidence 
that MMT poses a threat to
  human health or the environment.

  The first NAFTA Chapter 11 case on water was filed in the fall of 
1998. Sun Belt Water Inc.
  of Santa Barbara, California, is suing the Canadian government 
because the company lost a
  contract to export water to California when the government of 
British Columbia banned the
  export of bulk water in 1991. Although Sun Belt's agreement was with 
a Canadian company,
  Snowcap, and not the B.C. government, Sun Belt alleges the ban 
contravenes NAFTA and is
  seeking $400 million in damages. The corporation understands NAFTA 
gives it the right to
  shape Canadian government policy. "Because of NAFTA, we are now 
stakeholders in the
  national water policy in Canada," declared Jack Lindsay, its chief executive.

  The other major global institution that is swiping national legal 
jurisdictions is the World Trade
  Organization (WTO). The WTO enforces a number of international trade 
agreements on goods,
  services, intellectual property rights, food safety, animal and 
plant health, financial services,
  food, agriculture policy, investment, technology and telecommunications.

  What makes the WTO so powerful is that it has both the legislative 
and judicial authority to
  challenge laws, policies and programs of countries that do not 
conform to WTO rules and
  strike them down if they are seen to be too "trade restrictive." 
Cases are decided - in secret - by
  a panel of three trade bureaucrats. Once a WTO ruling is made, 
worldwide conformity is
  required. A country is obligated to harmonize its laws or face the 
prospect of perpetual trade
  sanctions or fines.

  The WTO, which contains no minimum standards to protect the 
environment, labour rights,
  social programs or cultural diversity, has already been used to 
strike down a number of key
  nation-state environmental, food safety, and human rights laws. 
Recently, U.S. laws to
  protect endangered Asian sea turtles from shrimp nets and dolphins 
from drift nets have been
  successfully challenged at the WTO. All WTO agreements set out 
detailed rules intended to
  constrain the extent to which governments can regulate international 
trade, or otherwise
  "interfere" with the activities of large corporations. WTO 
agreements provide extensive lists of
  things that governments can't do.

  Says U.S.-based Public Citizen, "The emerging case law indicates 
that the WTO keeps raising
  the bar against environmental laws." Renato Ruggiero, former WTO 
secretary-general, has
  admitted that environmental standards in the WTO are "doomed to fail 
and could only damage
  the global trading system." Another WTO official was quoted in the 
Financial Times in April,
  1998, saying, "The WTO is the place where governments collude in 
private against their
  domestic pressure groups."

  Democracy is a fragile creature. Through massive privatization and 
deregulation, people all
  over the world have already lost control over many areas of social 
and environmental policy.
  Now, backed by the International Chamber of Commerce that wants to 
establish a binding
  global legal system to protect transnational corporate interests, 
citizens are losing their
  democratic rights to a fair, open and just legal system as well.








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