I haven't read Noreena Hertz, but I intend to.  I have just finished Joseph Stiglitz's "Globalization and Its Discontents" and cannot escape the feeling that we live in a facade which fronts a shadowy world of games and manipulations we can't understand unless we are among the players, or even then. 
 
Stiglitz was economic advisor to Clinton and head of economics at the World Bank, which suggests that he should know what he is talking about.  He is highly critical of the so-called "Washington Consensus", the neo-liberal policies emphasizing financial stabilization, market (including capital market) liberalization and privatization that the IMF has applied in funding international bailouts, and that also underscore the work of institutions like the World Bank and WTO.  He is enormously critical of how the IMF handled the crises in East Asia which began with the collapse of Thai baht in 1997, and of how it handled the Russian crisis of almost the whole of the 1990s.  In both cases, the policies were, in his opinion, applied much too rapidly, too forced and much too hard on the bulk of the populations of the affected countries.  It could, according to Stiglitz, have been done much better.
 
I spent a month in Russia, mainly Moscow, in 1995, and vividly recall the chaos of the time.  However, what I found difficult then, and still find difficult even after reading Stiglitz, is sorting out how much of the chaos was due to the crumbling of the old system and how much may have been due to the shock therapy application of the market economy based system.  At the time, the IMF had provided the Russian government with loans, but another installment that was to be forthcoming was being held back because the government was not implementing reforms fast enough.  What the IMF may have recognized, but would not have admitted publicly, was that Russia was then incapable of further reform.  The rapid crumbling of the old and the far too rapid introduction of the new had created an impossible situation.  Dollars flowing into the country rapidly found their way out again and into Swiss bank accounts.  Influential people, able to obtain foreign loans, bailed the Russian government out in the notorious "loans for shares" scheme and wound up owning many of Russia's most valuable assets (see Chrytia Freeland, "Sale of the Century", Doubleday, 2000).  Meanwhile, the vast majority of Russia's people was sinking into an impossible poverty.  If this was a product or even an effect of the Washington Consensus, Stiglitz is right to be critical.
 
What is frustrating about Stiglitz is that he remains the economist.  He links the Washington Consensus policies directly to the purposes of the US Government, the IMF's largest shareholder, but does not tell us what those purposes may be.  One suspects there are large games going on - games in which the IMF with its dependence on the US Treasury is a principal player.  Perhaps that's paranoia, but one would at least like some assurance that the IMF has behaved the way it has out of naivety or even ignorance, and that it is not playing the game of American capital.  Stiglitz says little about this, and instead preaches reform.  He tries to convince the IMF economists that they should move back to a more Keynesian approach instead of pursuing the market fundamentalism that has become their trademark.  Perhaps they will listen, but somehow I rather doubt it.
 
Ed
 
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----- Original Message -----
Sent: Monday, July 08, 2002 10:01 PM
Subject: RE: Global Capitalism and the Death of Democracy

I saw the interview.  I too was struck by her confidence and assurance.  During the interview she placed some postives from the fact that CEOs are inviting her around for a talk.  I wonder.  She should learn and understand the danger of being co-opted.  I think she is in a management school in the UK.  So she might be the house radical.  I hope not.  I fear so, though.  Let's see.
 
I note too that the interview was long on identification of problems and short on policy solutions.  Again, let's see.
 
Arthur Cordell
-----Original Message-----
From: Karen Watters Cole [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
Sent: Monday, July 08, 2002 6:31 PM
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: FW: Global Capitalism and the Death of Democracy

Greetings:

 

I apologize that I cannot provide a link to video of this interview I’m promoting, rather than a link to the transcript, but it is worthwhile reading, especially for those of you on FW who are interested in the debate about globalization.  I was struck by this woman’s young age and her striking focus.  I know, you thought I was going to write “striking beauty”.  Well, she was pretty but it was the look in her eye and verbal assurance that caught my attention.  Tell me, O Wise Ones, is it mature knowledge or youthful confidence?  Are her ideas creative fiction or imaginative solutions? 

 

http://www.pbs.org/now/transcript/transcript_hertz.html

Bill Moyers interview with Noreena Hertz, author of Silent Takeover, Global Capitalism and the Death of Democracy.

Free Press; ISBN: 0743234782; (June 2002) 247 pages

 

“Noreena Hertz was born in England, received her MBA from Wharton School of Business and her Ph.D in economics from the University of Cambridge, where she is Associate Director of the Centre for International Business.  Ten years ago she helped Russia organize its first stock market.”

 

And a five-star reader review from amazon.com:

Obviously written for a general audience, not an academic or business one, the arguments, and the examples used, have appeared elsewhere, but these separate strands are woven together into a tapestry that looks a lot like the writing on the wall.

First Hertz narrates how we arrived at globalization and then identifies a number of problems with globalization: the polarizing of rich and poor as the rich get ever richer and poor get ever more numerous (with the consequent loss of social cohesion), the decision making of the WTO and IMF, who rely on economic criteria alone, when the consequences of those decisions are not only economic, the purchasing of political power by multinational corporations with the resulting cynicism and apathy of voters, the promoting of business interests instead of public interests through the media after the media has been consolidated into large conglomerates, relying on the new consumerism and shareholder activism by a minority instead of political action by a majority and relying on temporary charity by the super rich and multinational corporations instead of permanent governmental action to promote social and economic justice and equality.

Hertz has a common sense solution: "In a world of global capital, politics must be reframed at the global level, too." Six steps will globalize politics: Minimum health, safety and welfare standards at work, international regulation of multinationals, a global legal aid fund, a World Social Organization, steps to reduce economic inequality (such as debt reduction and increased aid) and a global tax authority. This is, well, optimistic. (A World Social Organization that does anything besides talk? Yeah, right.)”

And publisher’s comments via wonderful Powell’s bookstore in Portland: http://www.powells.com/cgi-bin/biblio?inkey=62-0743234782-0

“Named one of the best books of the year by The Sunday Times of London, and already a bestseller in England, Noreena Hertz's The Silent Takeover explains how corporations in the age of globalization are changing our lives, our society, and our future -- and are threatening the very basis of our democracy.

Of the world's 100 largest economies, fifty-one are now corporations, only forty-nine are nation-states. The sales of General Motors and Ford are greater than the GDP (gross domestic product) of the whole of sub-Saharan Africa, and Wal-Mart now has a turnover higher than the revenues of most of the states of Eastern Europe. Yet few of us are fully aware of the growing dominance of big business: newspapers continue to place news of the actions of governments on the front page, with business news relegated to the inside pages. But do governments really have more influence over our lives than businesses? Do the parties for which we vote have any real freedom of choice in their actions?”

Regards, Karen Watters Cole

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