[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
> Why do we think that people earn higher degrees to earn more money?  Maybe
> the love of learning and understanding drives them.
>
>> From: William B Ward [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
>> I have been associated with some good schools and some mediocre ones and
>> can attest that doctoral degrees are more a measure of tenacity than any
>> basic intelligence. Why is it that Michael Dell and Bill Gates could drop
>> out as undergraduates and do so well? ...
>> 
>> I remember some years ago a Canadian article that pointed out that
>> not one
>> of the Canadian bank presidents across the Dominion had completed
>> university... 
>> high IQ's as related to professional competence
>> are not the be all, and end all, of the discussion.
>> 
Keith had written:
>>> the pace of innovation means that high-IQ 
>>> individuals with high level technocratic skills is becoming 
>>> increasingly required. 

Here's an interesting piece that seems to me to put things
into a useful perspective. (I pass it on since it may not be
readily available to all.) 

It raises the question whether we only think we see high
level skills and high IQs, whereas they are really a mirage
caused by a steady inflation in credentials (which tends to
be accompanied by a devaluation of each credential itself).
I know for a fact that my father studied Botany, German,
Latin, mathematics, etc in his rural Ohio high school almost
100 years ago at a level now only available in college or
university. One of his boyhood friends who dropped out in
Grade 10 to go sweep up at the bank became - you guessed it
- president of the bank and a very succesful man.  

In any case, the discussion below seems to get many things
right while remaining at the level of socialized individuals
and not requiring any hypotheses from evolutionary
psychology or biology, not needing Pinker or Dawkins. 

best wishes, 

Stephen Straker 

<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>   
Vancouver, B.C.   
[Outgoing mail scanned by Norton AntiVirus]

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 


"The Dirty Little Secret of Credential Inflation," The
Chronicle of Higher Education, 49 (27 September 2002), p.
B20.  
by Randall Collins 
http://chronicle.com/weekly/v49/i05/05b02001.htm

College degrees, once the possession of a tiny elite of
professional and wealthy individuals, are now held by more
than a fourth of the American population.  But as
educational attainment has expanded, the social
distinctiveness of the bachelor's degree and its value on
the marketplace have declined - in turn, increasing the
demand for still higher levels of education.  In fact, most
problems of contemporary universities are connected to
"credential inflation."

In 1910, less than 10 percent of the population obtained, at
most, high-school degrees.  They were badges of substantial
middle-class respectability, until midcentury, conferring
access even to the managerial jobs.  Now, a high-school
degree is little more than a ticket to a lottery in which
one can buy a chance at a college degree - which itself is
becoming a ticket to a yet higher-stakes lottery.

Such credential inflation is driven largely by the expansion
of schooling - like a government's printing more paper money
- rather than by economic demand for an increasingly
educated labor force.  Our educational system, as it widens
access to each successive degree, has been able to flood the
market for educated labor at virtually any level.

For example, in the 1960s and '70s, as competition for
managerial positions grew among those who held bachelor's
degrees, M.B.A.'s became increasingly popular and eventually
the new standard for access to corporate jobs.  Holders of
such degrees have attempted to justify the credential by
introducing new techniques of management - often faddish,
yet distinct enough to give a technical veneer to their
activities.  Similarly, credentialed workers in other
occupations have redefined their positions and eliminated
non-credentialed jobs around them.  Thus, the spiral of
competition for education and the rising credential
requirements for jobs have tended to be irreversible.

In principle, credential inflation could go on endlessly,
until janitors need Ph.D.'s, and baby sitters are required
to hold advanced degrees in child care.  People could stay
in college up through their 30s and 40s, or perhaps even
longer.

Many people believe that our high-tech era requires massive
educational expansion.  Yet the skills of cutting-edge
industries are generally learned on the job or through
experience rather than in high school or college.

Compare the financial success of the youthful founders of
Apple or Microsoft, some of them college dropouts, with the
more modest careers of graduates of computer schools.

Furthermore, a high-tech society does not mean that a high
proportion of the labor force consists of experts.  A more
likely pattern - and the one we see emerging today - is a
bifurcation of the labor force into an "expert" sector -
perhaps 20 percent - and a much larger range of those with
routine or even menial service jobs.  With continuing
computerization and automation, typical middle-class jobs
may gradually disappear, leaving an even bigger gap between
a small elite of technical, managerial, and financial
experts, and everyone else.

In fact, credential inflation is the dirty secret of modern
education.  If we admitted it publicly, and it became a
topic for political discussion, it would force us to face
head-on the issue of our growing class inequality.  The
continual expansion of an inflationary
educational-credentialing system palliates the problem of
class conflict in the United States by holding out the
prospect of upward mobility somewhere down the line, while
making the connection remote enough to cover the system's
failure to deliver. 

Credentialing spills over into careers within academe.  As
colleges expanded with the massive enrollment increases of
the 20th century, scholars have had a favorable environment
in which to differentiate new departments and specialties
within them.  The guild of scholars began by controlling
admission to teaching through possession of its own
credential, the research dissertation.  Now, as colleges
compete with each other over prestige in innovative areas of
research, credential inflation has developed into heightened
pressure for publication, not just at the outset, but
throughout one's career.  As large institutions have
developed elaborate internal rankings and salary-step
systems, faculty members have experienced C.V. inflation.

Many professors prefer to concentrate their energies and
derive their prestige from their research and the kind of
teaching that is closest to it: apprenticing graduate
students.  But even many of the most successful graduate
assistants will primarily teach undergraduates.  Similarly,
part of each professor's work time is devoted to shepherding
undergraduates through the process that will get them job
credentials or intermediate credentials in the academic
progression.  Undergraduate enrollments are needed to
support graduate students.  And even though they may
complain of the intellectual unworthiness of undergraduates,
research professors count on academic credentials' having
enough value in nonacademic job markets - those pursued by
most undergraduates - for their own jobs to exist. 

Our current period of credential inflation has been
accompanied by grade inflation and recommendation
inflation.  The prevailing ethos is for faculty members to
treat students sympathetically, to try to get them through
what the professors recognize as a competitive grind.  That
ethos fits within the educational structure of
self-reinforcing inflation. 

The top of the research elite does rather well - both
materially and intellectually - under the current conditions
of credential inflation.  Yet at the other end of the
professoriate, there is a growing and increasingly
beleaguered teaching proletariat.  The material conditions
of their lives are poor, and their career tracks are highly
uncertain. 

Between the top and bottom is a mass of faculty members who
must cope with the publication pressures that go along with
increased competition for a declining proportion of research
and teaching jobs.  Proposals for greater accountability, or
even for the abolition of tenure, strike mainly at this
middle group.  It is entirely possible for the intellectual
condition of the system, determined by what is done by the
research elite, to flourish while pressure, alienation, and
misery prevail at the levels below.

Will there be a revolt of the professorial proletariat? 
While it seems at least hypothetically possible,
social-conflict theory suggests that it is not very likely. 
Mobilization of an unprivileged stratum depends upon the
formulation of a self-conscious ideology of group identity. 
Moreover, mobilization by the bottom stratum alone does not
change a system of power.  Such changes start at the top,
with a breakdown and struggle among competing elites over
how to fix it. 

All this is very remote from conditions of academic life
today.  Professors still define themselves primarily in
terms of the intellectual content of their disciplines,
giving enormous implicit power to the research elite.  The
strains that are palpable today for many scholars lower in
the hierarchy will probably remain merely localized,
personal troubles. 

Meanwhile, colleges are under pressure to credential more
students at lower cost.  If the fundamental versus applied
character of the disciplines is at issue in today's
university, along with the growing distance between a highly
paid elite of noted researchers and an underclass of
temporary lecturers, then the causes are in the economic
strains of a system whose mass production of educational
credentials for employment has become very expensive. 
Institutions may increasingly choose to cut back on faculty
and staff members and to eliminate "superfluous" activities,
concentrating instead on the allegedly practical content
that is supposed to give students negotiable credentials.

That would be a false solution.  Even turning over the
entire education system to narrowly job-related courses
would not stop credential inflation, which can occur with
any kind of academic content.

In fact, it is doubtful that we could stop credential
inflation if we wanted to.  The mainspring is students'
desire to get credentials that will give them some edge in
the job market.  As long as a free market of education
providers exists, institutions have the incentive to keep
offering higher credentials.  Draconian measures might
include drastically curtailing admissions or raising
standards to levels that flunk out all but a small elite. 
But such standards would be impossible to enforce without a
centralized, authoritarian system incompatible with modern
democracy.  The late Chinese dynasties put such a measure
into effect in exams for government office, setting a quota
for passing at below 1 percent.  But that did not stop many
in the Chinese gentry from spending decades of their lives
seeking credentials. 

Nevertheless, a control upon credential inflation is built
into the structure of our economy.  Expanding the number of
degrees may be analogous to printing money, but there is one
crucial difference:

Printing money is cheap, while the cost of minting degrees
is high.  It is implausible that the system will keep on
inflating through the postdocs-for-janitors phase, because
an upper limit is set by the amount that can be spent on
education while leaving room for private and government
budgetary expenditures.  At crunch points, costs become too
high, enrollments fall, dropouts increase, government
assistance declines, and many educational institutions fail
and are challenged by new ones.

Eventually, the inflationary trend gets going again.  As a
society grows richer, it can afford to allow more people to
spend time competing in the education marketplace instead of
directly in the workplace.  But credential inflation and
economic growth are not perfectly synchronized.  In an era
of poor job prospects, the educational system plays an
important role in warehousing people and keeping them
temporarily off the job market - thus holding down
unemployment.  It may even serve as a hidden welfare system,
doling out support in the form of student loans and
subsidizing work-study programs. 

Such results occur whether government budget-makers are
aware of what they are doing or not.  In that sense, we may
have entered a period in which we can't politically afford
to stop the processes that feed credential inflation.  The
issue boils down to whether we want to manage credential
inflation, manipulating policy to smooth out peaks and
valleys, or let it take its own bumpy course.


Randall Collins is a professor of sociology at the
University of Pennsylvania.  This article is adapted from
The Future of the City of Intellect: The Changing American
University, edited by Steven Brint and published recently by
Stanford University Press.

Copyright � 2002 by The Chronicle of Higher Education


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