Now is not the time to abandon American Troops in the Field but it could be
the last moment before we commit a holocaust on Baghdad.    It would take a
moment of real statesmanship to stop and reconsider this misguided venture
before it's too late.    Once the troops realize that the leaders that they
believed, have been foolish, then there will be a real morale problem.    It
could be a moment when these officials rise to the occasion or they could
fold.   Too many games with overwhelming odds have created fat and slovenly
behavior no matter how much time they spend in the gym or on the track.
It was Custer who didn't see the Indians and who was the general who led
that Cavalry into the valley of the five hundred?    History is replete not
only with failures but with people who turned failure into success.   The
problem is imagination.   Bush has to imagine something totally outside of
his experience and the limitations of his faith.   If I wanted us to fail, I
would suggest, like Elijah, that he pray harder but this is my nation too
and we have made a mistake.   What is required here is statesmanship no
matter who wins the election or gets a tax break.    What we also need are
real Americans who want to give the money to save the nation instead of
bleed it dry.    They need another image than the parasite for their
imagination.   I pray that we will have it.

Ray Evans Harrell


March 25, 2003
A Readers' Guide to the War
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF


KUWAIT
With U.S. forces running into unexpectedly strong resistance, let me suggest
a couple of guideposts to monitor progress of the war:
Will the invasion get bogged down? One of the scarier places in Iraq is a
tiny hamlet, Umm Qasr, just over the border from Kuwait. A smuggler's haven
with docks, low buildings and just 4,000 people, it was secured in the first
hours of the invasion, military officials announced. Only it wasn't.
Formal Iraqi Army units there crumpled, but some soldiers continued
guerrilla warfare against Americans. This kind of guerrilla activity can't
stop the vanguard of the U.S. Army, but it can bog us down in rear areas and
interrupt the long U.S. supply lines - the longest the Marines have faced in
200 years.
I've been speaking to experts in neighboring Arab countries, and some are
concerned. "I think the Americans will need a new strategy," warned a senior
official in an allied Arab government. That may be alarmist, because it's
too soon to reach judgments. But it's fair to ask questions, and a key
indicator will be whether we see more places like Umm Qasr.
Will ordinary Iraqis shower U.S. troops with flowers? If the White House
vision - that Iraqi citizens would cheer our invasion - was borne out, that
would go a long way to defuse antagonism toward us in Europe and the Arab
world. So far, though, the effusive welcome the White House counted on has
been largely absent.
In Safwan, some residents did shout blessings on the Americans. But reports
from Basra, Nasiriya, Umm Qasr and other towns suggest there are few signs
so far that the population is cheering the invasion.
A Reuters correspondent, Rosalind Russell, saw a group of Iraqi youths
waving as a convoy of British tanks and trucks rolled by. But once it had
passed, their smiles turned to scowls. "We don't want them here," said
17-year-old Fouad. He pulled out a photo of Saddam from the waistband of his
trousers and said defiantly: "Saddam is our leader. Saddam is good."
Ouch. It may be that war is causing some Iraqis to rally around their
leader, just as we Americans are now rallying around ours.
Will we in the U.S. set Iraq policy according to facts or ideology? In the
end, we will win this war, and Saddam will be gone. But it is less clear
that we will win the peace, and that outcome will hinge on our willingness
to adjust to realities on the ground. What troubles me most about the way
the invasion has begun is that the war plans seem to be based not just on
our first-rate military expertise, but also on hunches by ideologues in
Washington who have never set foot in Iraq.
For example, the war plan assumed that Iraqis would welcome us as
liberators, even though every visitor to Iraq heard ordinary people warning
that they would pull out their guns and take potshots at any invading
Americans. The upshot of the ideological optimism was that we adopted not
the full Powell doctrine of overwhelming force, but a blend with the
Rumsfeld theory of smaller, more mobile and flexible forces. The optimists
didn't factor in guerrilla resistance in rear areas; indeed, they blithely
expected a lovefest in Basra.
"The plan was for troops to secure Umm Qasr so they would have the port to
bring in wheat, and then make their way up to Basra with camera crews in
tow, all easy and bloodless, where everybody would give them a big hug," an
aid worker said. Instead, quite predictably, we're now besieging Basra,
where one million people have been without electricity and clean water since
Thursday - a deprivation that's likely to make them more hostile to U.S.
occupation.
We have such firepower that we can win the war without sensitivity to
Iraqis, but we can't survive the occupation that way. Raising the American
flag on Iraqi territory the other day was the best boost we could have given
Saddam. And Arabs flinch each time American officials torture pronunciations
of the names of Iraqi cities and, worse, the country itself. Granted, proper
Arabic pronunciation of "Iraq" is difficult because it actually begins with
a consonant, the ayn, that doesn't exist in English and sounds like a person
being strangled.
But since the Bush administration was willing to bring in a Hollywood
producer to design a $250,000 set for the Central Command briefings, it
might at least remind officials that we are not invading Eye-rack, but
Ee-rack.



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