I sent Ray's meditative piece on Don Lee Anderson out to a number of friends.  In return, Ewart Walters, the editor of a small but excellent Ottawa newspaper, "the Spectrum", sent me one of his forthcoming editorials.

Ed Weick
 

 
    Sound and principled

When the Berlin Wall fell in November 1989 to mark the end of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics as the (counter-balancing) second super-power, the world looked forward to enjoying
what our southern neighbours said was the “peace dividend”. Remember? The billions that were
being spent on arms and defence would now be made available for aiding needy countries and
their people, and for other peaceful purposes. Prosperity would bloom. Remember?

Now, with only the one remaining super-power seeking more and more billions to spend on war,
the peace dividend is as dead as the international law Strategic Arms Limitation Treaties (SALT)
George W. Bush last year decided were outdated. What is more, instead of seeing even millions of
dollars in aid being sent to poor countries, we began hearing instead about “Failed States.”

“Failed States”, like the earlier US term “the underclass” which replaced “the lower class” and -
therefore admits no possible progress to a middle class - is a final diagnosis and sentence that
locks up people after three convictions, regardless; that says, time is up, there is no use trying to
help these countries any more.

The term “Failed States” does not merely seek to include “rogue states” who would imperil their
citizens, their neighbours and the world with weapons of mass destruction or international
terrorism. No. “Failed States” also includes any country whose economy is weak or which does
not operate exactly as some (external) people want it to.

The questions are many. Who determines this? Which one country has the authority to make
these decisions about others? And from whom does it get this authority? Does this not smell very
much like somebody saying “we are the master race”? (And the rest of you are from failed races?)

Isn’t this exactly why we have gathered together as individual nations under the umbrella of
multilateralism in something that is not a superpower, but rather a genuine super-authority? Isn’t
this why our own individual sovereignties have come together, in an international coalition of the
willing, to give up a little of their sovereignties - without threat or bribe - to establish ourselves as
the United Nations as the custodian of our fears and our aspirations for peace? Isn’t our
establishment of this super-authority our own sovereign expression of the rule of law?

Because it is of humans, the United Nations has weaknesses. But surely, those weaknesses are not
beyond our ability to repair. It is at our peril that we seek to abandon the protection of
multilateralism. There may be danger grave enough to cause us to take temporary leave of this
protection, but, in our current world crisis, we have not yet arrived at that point.

In the circumstances Canada’s decision to maintain the principle of supporting the super-authority
is sound and principled - never mind the howling noises to the contrary.

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