Iraq might go the way of Yugoslavia.  After Tito there were a number of
countries.  So what if Iraq breaks into 3 countries after  Saddam.   

I understand that the pipeline through Syria has already been cut.

arthur

-----Original Message-----
From: Keith Hudson [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Saturday, April 12, 2003 2:07 AM
To: Cordell, Arthur: ECOM
Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Re: [Futurework] The News We Kept to Ourselves


Arthur,

Thanks for posting this story.

It makes one ask again: Why, when the enormous cruelties of Saddam was very
widely known (see Jordan's article below), didn't someone assassinate him? 

The only conclusion I can draw is that anybody who was in a position to
assassinate Saddam and sons successfully would know that holding the
country together again afterwards would prove impossible. It would break
into various divides -- ethnic, religious and tribal -- just as Afghanistan
has done twice within the last two decades. Well, we appear to be at the
beginning of active tribalisation again via the criminal gangs that have
suddenly appeared in the streets of Baghdad.

I don't see how America (or the UN or the EU) can bring about successful
"democratisation" of Iraq anymore successfully than they have done in
Afghanistan. 

Most western democracies have only evolved to some sort of unitary
governance via centuries of tribal warfare, usually culminating in total
civil war which finally unites the country either geographically or
culturally. It doesn't always happen in this way, nor should we passively
expect this to happen in the case of Afghanistan and Iraq (and Iran, and
Saudi Arabaia, etc). Nevertheless, the lesson of history seems to be that
western-type standard of living (which is what young people all round the
world want) can only arise from internal evolution/revolution, and cannot
be imposed from the outside.

Wow! What*is* going to happen? Shortly, General Franks and the American
public are going to insist on American troops being withdrawn from Iraq for
their own safety. Yet, at the same time, America cannot leave the oilfields
of Iraq to their own devices, particularly that the probability of a
similar religious/tribal uprisings in Saudi Arabia is now all the more
likely. 

So, I foresee a situation in Iraq in which small numbers of high-tech
American troops will quarantine the oilfields of Iraq and endeavour to
oversee production contracts with France, Russia and China that have
already been negotiated with Saddam (and, of course, bring about new
contracts with Anglo-American corporations) and, at the same time, leave
the remainder of the country to the attentions of the UN, EU and the
humanitarian agencies.

There is a great danger that America will be drawn into major conflicts
with Syria (because of the pipeline that runs through Syria), Iran and
Saudi Arabia (because their oilfields will also need to be quarantined from
civil unrest) as well as being involved in further repercussions in other
Muslim countries that cannot possibly be foreseen.

Keith Hudson

 
At 16:01 11/04/03 -0400, you wrote:
CNN: The News We Kept to Ourselves 
By EASON JORDAN The New York Times 11 April 2003
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/04/11/opinion/11JORD.html
ATLANTA - Over the last dozen years I made 13 trips to Baghdad to lobby the
government to keep CNN's Baghdad bureau open and to arrange interviews with
Iraqi leaders. Each time I visited, I became more distressed by what I saw
and heard - awful things that could not be reported because doing so would
have jeopardized the lives of Iraqis, particularly those on our Baghdad
staff. 
For example, in the mid-1990's one of our Iraqi cameramen was abducted. For
weeks he was beaten and subjected to electroshock torture in the basement of
a secret police headquarters because he refused to confirm the government's
ludicrous suspicion that I was the Central Intelligence Agency's Iraq
station chief. CNN had been in Baghdad long enough to know that telling the
world about the torture of one of its employees would almost certainly have
gotten him killed and put his family and co-workers at grave risk. 
Working for a foreign news organization provided Iraqi citizens no
protection. The secret police terrorized Iraqis working for international
press services who were courageous enough to try to provide accurate
reporting. Some vanished, never to be heard from again. Others disappeared
and then surfaced later with whispered tales of being hauled off and
tortured in unimaginable ways. Obviously, other news organizations were in
the same bind we were when it came to reporting on their own workers. 
We also had to worry that our reporting might endanger Iraqis not on our
payroll. I knew that CNN could not report that Saddam Hussein's eldest son,
Uday, told me in 1995 that he intended to assassinate two of his
brothers-in-law who had defected and also the man giving them asylum, King
Hussein of Jordan. If we had gone with the story, I was sure he would have
responded by killing the Iraqi translator who was the only other participant
in the meeting. After all, secret police thugs brutalized even senior
officials of the Information Ministry, just to keep them in line (one such
official has long been missing all his fingernails). 
Still, I felt I had a moral obligation to warn Jordan's monarch, and I did
so the next day. King Hussein dismissed the threat as a madman's rant. A few
months later Uday lured the brothers-in-law back to Baghdad; they were soon
killed. 
I came to know several Iraqi officials well enough that they confided in me
that Saddam Hussein was a maniac who had to be removed. One Foreign Ministry
officer told me of a colleague who, finding out his brother had been
executed by the regime, was forced, as a test of loyalty, to write a letter
of congratulations on the act to Saddam Hussein. An aide to Uday once told
me why he had no front teeth: henchmen had ripped them out with pliers and
told him never to wear dentures, so he would always remember the price to be
paid for upsetting his boss. Again, we could not broadcast anything these
men said to us. 
Last December, when I told Information Minister Muhammad Said al-Sahhaf that
we intended to send reporters to Kurdish-controlled northern Iraq, he warned
me they would "suffer the severest possible consequences." CNN went ahead,
and in March, Kurdish officials presented us with evidence that they had
thwarted an armed attack on our quarters in Erbil. This included videotaped
confessions of two men identifying themselves as Iraqi intelligence agents
who said their bosses in Baghdad told them the hotel actually housed C.I.A.
and Israeli agents. The Kurds offered to let us interview the suspects on
camera, but we refused, for fear of endangering our staff in Baghdad. 
Then there were the events that were not unreported but that nonetheless
still haunt me. A 31-year-old Kuwaiti woman, Asrar Qabandi, was captured by
Iraqi secret police occupying her country in 1990 for "crimes," one of which
included speaking with CNN on the phone. They beat her daily for two months,
forcing her father to watch. In January 1991, on the eve of the American-led
offensive, they smashed her skull and tore her body apart limb by limb. A
plastic bag containing her body parts was left on the doorstep of her
family's home. 
I felt awful having these stories bottled up inside me. Now that Saddam
Hussein's regime is gone, I suspect we will hear many, many more
gut-wrenching tales from Iraqis about the decades of torment. At last, these
stories can be told freely. 
Eason Jordan is chief news executive at CNN




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Keith Hudson,6 Upper Camden Place, Bath BA1 5HX, England
Tel:01225 312622/444881; Fax:01225 447727; E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
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