Hi!

This came to me via another list. I like what he says.

The only alternative seemed to be to do nothing. That is preferable because no-one gets hurt, it doesn't cost much, and we can have meetings to decide that nothing can be done.

Trouble is the original problem doesn't go away.

I've already commented on the effect of the US/Brit action in Iraq. "Hey! These aren't paper tigers after all. They cleaned off the Iraqi army is a few weeks. Let's listen."

I think that if Bush keeps asserting the reputation he now has, maybe we'll get an eventual solution to the Palestine situation. If American troops with blue helmets guard the frontier, we may keep the factions apart long enough to achieve "an end to the beginning".

Anyway, see what Friedman has to say.

Harry
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We Must Build a Progressive Iraq

By Thomas Friedman

The failure of the Bush team to produce any weapons of mass
destruction (WMDs) in Iraq is becoming a big, big story. But is it the
real story we should be concerned with? No. It was the wrong issue
before the war, and it's the wrong issue now.

Why? Because there were actually four reasons for this war: the real
reason, the right reason, the moral reason and the stated reason.

The "real reason" for this war, which was never stated, was that after
9-11 America needed to hit someone in the Arab-Muslim world.
Afghanistan wasn't enough. Because a terrorism bubble had built up
over there -- a bubble that posed a real threat to the open societies
of the West and needed to be punctured. This terrorism bubble said
that plowing airplanes into the World Trade Center was OK, having
Muslim preachers say it was OK was OK, having state-run newspapers
call people who did such things "martyrs" was OK and allowing Muslim
charities to raise money for such "martyrs" was OK. Not only was all
this seen as OK, there was a feeling among radical Muslims that
suicide bombing would level the balance of power between the Arab
world and the West, because we had gone soft and their activists were
ready to die.

The only way to puncture that bubble was for American soldiers, men
and women, to go into the heart of the Arab-Muslim world, house to
house, and make clear that we are ready to kill, and to die, to
prevent our open society from being undermined by this terrorism
bubble. Smashing Saudi Arabia or Syria would have been fine. But we
hit Saddam for one simple reason: because we could, and because he
deserved it and because he was right in the heart of that world. And
don't believe the nonsense that this had no effect. Every neighboring
government -- and 98 percent of terrorism is about what governments
let happen -- got the message. If you talk to U.S. soldiers in Iraq
they will tell you this is what the war was about.

The "right reason" for this war was the need to partner with Iraqis,
post-Saddam, to build a progressive Arab regime. Because the real
weapons of mass destruction that threaten us were never Saddam's
missiles. The real weapons that threaten us are the growing number of
angry, humiliated young Arabs and Muslims, who are produced by failed
or failing Arab states -- young people who hate America more than they
love life. Helping to build a decent Iraq as a model for others and
solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are the necessary steps for
defusing the ideas of mass destruction, which are what really threaten
us.

The "moral reason" for the war was that Saddam's regime was an engine
of mass destruction and genocide that had killed thousands of his own
people, and neighbors, and needed to be stopped.

But because the Bush team never dared to spell out the real reason for
the war, and (wrongly) felt that it could never win public or world
support for the right reasons and the moral reasons, it opted for the
"stated reason": the notion that Saddam had weapons of mass
destruction that posed an immediate threat to America. I argued before
the war that Saddam posed no such threat to America, and had no links
with al-Qaida, and that we couldn't take the nation to war "on the
wings of a lie." I argued that Bush should fight this war for the
right reasons and the moral reasons. But he stuck with this WMD
argument for P.R. reasons.

Once the war was over and I saw the mass graves and the true extent of
Saddam's genocidal evil, my view was that Bush did not need to find
any WMDs to justify the war for me. I still feel that way. Bush took
the country into his war. And if it turns out that he fabricated the
evidence for his war (which I wouldn't conclude yet), that would badly
damage America and be a serious matter.

But my ultimate point is this: Finding Iraq's WMDs is necessary to
preserve the credibility of the Bush team, the neocons, Tony Blair and
the CIA. But rebuilding Iraq is necessary to win the war. I won't feel
one whit more secure if we find Saddam's WMDs, because I never felt he
would use them on us. But I will feel terribly insecure if we fail to
put Iraq onto a progressive path. Because if that doesn't happen, the
terrorism bubble will reinflate and bad things will follow. Bush's
credibility rides on finding WMD's, but America's future, and the
future of the Mideast, rides on our building a different Iraq. We must
not forget that.
-----
Source:  New York Times News Service


**************************************************** Harry Pollard Henry George School of Social Science of Los Angeles Box 655 Tujunga CA 91042 Tel: (818) 352-4141 -- Fax: (818) 353-2242 http://home.attbi.com/~haledward ****************************************************

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