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Savant for a Day

June 22, 2003
By LAWRENCE OSBORNE 




 

In a concrete basement at the University of Sydney, I sat
in a chair waiting to have my brain altered by an
electromagnetic pulse. My forehead was connected, by a
series of electrodes, to a machine that looked something
like an old-fashioned beauty-salon hair dryer and was
sunnily described to me as a ''Danish-made transcranial
magnetic stimulator.'' This was not just any old
Danish-made transcranial magnetic stimulator, however; this
was the Medtronic Mag Pro, and it was being operated by
Allan Snyder, one of the world's most remarkable scientists
of human cognition. 

Nonetheless, the anticipation of electricity being beamed
into my frontal lobes (and the consent form I had just
signed) made me a bit nervous. Snyder found that amusing.
''Oh, relax now!'' he said in the thick local accent he has
acquired since moving here from America. ''I've done it on
myself a hundred times. This is Australia. Legally, it's
far more difficult to damage people in Australia than it is
in the United States.'' 

''Damage?'' I groaned. 

''You're not going to be damaged,'' he said. ''You're going
to be enhanced.'' 

The Medtronic was originally developed as a tool for brain
surgery: by stimulating or slowing down specific regions of
the brain, it allowed doctors to monitor the effects of
surgery in real time. But it also produced, they noted,
strange and unexpected effects on patients' mental
functions: one minute they would lose the ability to speak,
another minute they would speak easily but would make odd
linguistic errors and so on. A number of researchers
started to look into the possibilities, but one in
particular intrigued Snyder: that people undergoing
transcranial magnetic stimulation, or TMS, could suddenly
exhibit savant intelligence -- those isolated pockets of
geniuslike mental ability that most often appear in
autistic people. 

Snyder is an impish presence, the very opposite of a
venerable professor, let alone an internationally acclaimed
scientist. There is a whiff of Woody Allen about him. Did I
really want him, I couldn't help thinking, rewiring my hard
drive? ''We're not changing your brain physically,'' he
assured me. ''You'll only experience differences in your
thought processes while you're actually on the machine.''
His assistant made a few final adjustments to the
electrodes, and then, as everyone stood back, Snyder
flicked the switch. 

A series of electromagnetic pulses were being directed into
my frontal lobes, but I felt nothing. Snyder instructed me
to draw something. ''What would you like to draw?'' he said
merrily. ''A cat? You like drawing cats? Cats it is.'' 

I've seen a million cats in my life, so when I close my
eyes, I have no trouble picturing them. But what does a cat
really look like, and how do you put it down on paper? I
gave it a try but came up with some sort of stick figure,
perhaps an insect. 

While I drew, Snyder continued his lecture. ''You could
call this a creativity-amplifying machine. It's a way of
altering our states of mind without taking drugs like
mescaline. You can make people see the raw data of the
world as it is. As it is actually represented in the
unconscious mind of all of us.'' 

Two minutes after I started the first drawing, I was
instructed to try again. After another two minutes, I tried
a third cat, and then in due course a fourth. Then the
experiment was over, and the electrodes were removed. I
looked down at my work. The first felines were boxy and
stiffly unconvincing. But after I had been subjected to
about 10 minutes of transcranial magnetic stimulation,
their tails had grown more vibrant, more nervous; their
faces were personable and convincing. They were even
beginning to wear clever expressions. 

I could hardly recognize them as my own drawings, though I
had watched myself render each one, in all its loving
detail. Somehow over the course of a very few minutes, and
with no additional instruction, I had gone from an
incompetent draftsman to a very impressive artist of the
feline form. 

Snyder looked over my shoulder. ''Well, how about that?
Leonardo would be envious.'' Or turning in his grave, I
thought. 


As remarkable as the cat-drawing lesson was, it was just a
hint of Snyder's work and its implications for the study of
cognition. He has used TMS dozens of times on university
students, measuring its effect on their ability to draw, to
proofread and to perform difficult mathematical functions
like identifying prime numbers by sight. Hooked up to the
machine, 40 percent of test subjects exhibited
extraordinary, and newfound, mental skills. That Snyder was
able to induce these remarkable feats in a controlled,
repeatable experiment is more than just a great party
trick; it's a breakthrough that may lead to a revolution in
the way we understand the limits of our own intelligence --
and the functioning of the human brain in general. 

Snyder's work began with a curiosity about autism. Though
there is little consensus about what causes this baffling
-- and increasingly common -- disorder, it seems safe to
say that autistic people share certain qualities: they tend
to be rigid, mechanical and emotionally dissociated. They
manifest what autism's great ''discoverer,'' Leo Kanner,
called ''an anxiously obsessive desire for the preservation
of sameness.'' And they tend to interpret information in a
hyperliteral way, using ''a kind of language which does not
seem intended to serve interpersonal communication.'' 

For example, Snyder says, when autistic test subjects came
to see him at the university, they would often get lost in
the main quad. They might have been there 10 times before,
but each time the shadows were in slightly different
positions, and the difference overwhelmed their sense of
place. ''They can't grasp a general concept equivalent to
the word 'quad,''' he explains. ''If it changes appearance
even slightly, then they have to start all over again.'' 

Despite these limitations, a small subset of autistics,
known as savants, can also perform superspecialized mental
feats. Perhaps the most famous savant was Dustin Hoffman's
character in ''Rain Man,'' who could count hundreds of
matchsticks at a glance. But the truth has often been even
stranger: one celebrated savant in turn-of-the-century
Vienna could calculate the day of the week for every date
since the birth of Christ. Other savants can speak dozens
of languages without formally studying any of them or can
reproduce music at the piano after only a single hearing. A
savant studied by the English doctor J. Langdon Down in
1887 had memorized every page of Gibbon's ''Decline and
Fall of the Roman Empire.'' At the beginning of the 19th
century, the splendidly named Gottfried Mind became famous
all over Europe for the amazing pictures he drew of cats. 

The conventional wisdom has long been that autistics'
hyperliteral thought processes were completely separate
from the more contextual, nuanced, social way that most
adults think, a different mental function altogether. And
so, by extension, the extraordinary skills of autistic
savants have been regarded as flukes, almost inhuman feats
that average minds could never achieve. 

Snyder argues that all those assumptions -- about
everything from the way autistic savants behave down to the
basic brain functions that cause them to do so -- are
mistaken. Autistic thought isn't wholly incompatible with
ordinary thought, he says; it's just a variation on it, a
more extreme example. 

He first got the idea after reading ''The Man Who Mistook
His Wife for a Hat,'' in which Oliver Sacks explores the
link between autism and a very specific kind of brain
damage. If neurological impairment is the cause of the
autistic's disabilities, Snyder wondered, could it be the
cause of their geniuslike abilities, too? By shutting down
certain mental functions -- the capacity to think
conceptually, categorically, contextually -- did this
impairment allow other mental functions to flourish? Could
brain damage, in short, actually make you brilliant? 

In a 1999 paper called ''Is Integer Arithmetic Fundamental
to Mental Processing? The Mind's Secret Arithmetic,''
Snyder and D. John Mitchell considered the example of an
autistic infant, whose mind ''is not concept driven. . . .
In our view such a mind can tap into lower level details
not readily available to introspection by normal
individuals.'' These children, they wrote, seem ''to be
aware of information in some raw or interim state prior to
it being formed into the 'ultimate picture.''' Most
astonishing, they went on, ''the mental machinery for
performing lightning fast integer arithmetic calculations
could be within us all.'' 

And so Snyder turned to TMS, in an attempt, as he says,
''to enhance the brain by shutting off certain parts of
it.'' 

''In a way, savants are the great enigma of today's
neurology,'' says Prof. Joy Hirsch, director of the
Functional M.R.I. Research Center at Columbia University.
''They exist in all cultures and are a distinct type. Why?
How? We don't know. Yet understanding the savant will help
provide insight into the whole neurophysiological
underpinning of human behavior. That's why Snyder's ideas
are so exciting -- he's asking a really fundamental
question, which no one has yet answered.'' 

If Snyder's suspicions are correct, in fact, and savants
have not more brainpower than the rest of us, but less,
then it's even possible that everybody starts out life as a
savant. Look, for example, at the ease with which children
master complex languages -- a mysterious skill that seems
to shut off automatically around the age of 12. ''What
we're doing is counterintuitive,'' Snyder tells me. ''We're
saying that all these genius skills are easy, they're
natural. Our brain does them naturally. Like walking. Do
you know how difficult walking is? It's much more difficult
than drawing!'' 

To prove his point, he hooks me up to the Medtronic Mag Pro
again and asks me to read the following lines: 


A bird in the hand 
is worth two in the 
the bush 

''A
bird in the hand is worth two in the bush,'' I say. 

''Again,'' Snyder says, and smiles. 

So once more: ''A
bird in the hand is worth two in the bush.'' He makes me
repeat it five or six times, slowing me down until he has
me reading each word with aching slowness. 

Then he switches on the machine. He is trying to suppress
those parts of my brain responsible for thinking
contextually, for making connections. Without them, I will
be able to see things more as an autistic might. 

After five minutes of electric pulses, I read the card
again. Only then do I see -- instantly -- that the card
contains an extra ''the.'' 

On my own, I had been looking for patterns, trying to coax
the words on the page into a coherent, familiar whole. But
''on the machine,'' he says, ''you start seeing what's
actually there, not what you think is there.'' 

Snyder's theories are bolstered by the documented cases in
which sudden brain damage has produced savant abilities
almost overnight. He cites the case of Orlando Serrell, a
10-year-old street kid who was hit on the head and
immediately began doing calendrical calculations of
baffling complexity. Snyder argues that we all have
Serrell's powers. ''We remember virtually everything, but
we recall very little,'' Snyder explains. ''Now isn't that
strange? Everything is in there'' -- he taps the side of
his head. ''Buried deep in all our brains are phenomenal
abilities, which we lose for some reason as we develop into
'normal' conceptual creatures. But what if we could
reawaken them?'' 


Not all of Snyder's colleagues agree with his theories.
Michael Howe, an eminent psychologist at the University of
Exeter in Britain who died last year, argued that savantism
(and genius itself) was largely a result of incessant
practice and specialization. ''The main difference between
experts and savants,'' he once told New Scientist magazine,
''is that savants do things which most of us couldn't be
bothered to get good at.'' 

Robert Hendren, executive director of the M.I.N.D.
Institute at the University of California at Davis, brought
that concept down to my level: ''If you drew 20 cats one
after the other, they'd probably get better anyway.'' Like
most neuroscientists, he doubts that an electromagnetic
pulse can stimulate the brain into creativity: ''I'm not
sure I see how TMS can actually alter the way your brain
works. There's a chance that Snyder is right. But it's
still very experimental.'' 

Tomas Paus, an associate professor of neuroscience at
McGill University, who has done extensive TMS research, is
even more dubious. ''I don't believe TMS can ever elicit
complex behavior,'' he says. 

But even skeptics like Hendren and Paus concede that by
intensifying the neural activity of one part of the brain
while slowing or shutting down others, TMS can have
remarkable effects. One of its most successful applications
has been in the realm of psychiatry, where it is now used
to dispel the ''inner voices'' of schizophrenics, or to
combat clinical depression without the damaging side
effects of electroshock therapy. (NeuroNetics, an Atlanta
company, is developing a TMS machine designed for just this
purpose, which will probably be released in 2006, pending
F.D.A. approval.) 

Meanwhile, researchers at the National Institute of
Neurological Disorders and Stroke found that TMS applied to
the prefrontal cortex enabled subjects to solve geometric
puzzles much more rapidly. Alvaro Pascual-Leone, associate
professor of neurology at the Beth Israel Deaconess Medical
Center in Boston (who, through his work at the Laboratory
for Magnetic Brain Stimulation, has been one of the
American visionaries of TMS), has even suggested that TMS
could be used to ''prep'' students' minds before lessons. 

None of this has gone unnoticed by canny entrepreneurs and
visionary scientists. Last year, the Brain Stimulation
Laboratory at the Medical University of South Carolina
received a $2 million government grant to develop a smaller
TMS device that sleep-deprived soldiers could wear to keep
them alert. ''It's not 'Star Trek' at all,'' says Ziad
Nahas, the laboratory's medical director. ''We've done a
lot of the science on reversing cognitive deficiencies in
people with insomnia and sleep deficiencies. It works.'' If
so, it could be a small leap to the day it boosts soldiers'
cognitive functioning under normal circumstances. 

And from there, how long before Americans are walking
around with humming antidepression helmets and
math-enhancing ''hair dryers'' on their heads? Will
commercially available TMS machines be used to turn prosaic
bank managers into amateur Rembrandts? Snyder has even
contemplated video games that harness specialized parts of
the brain that are otherwise inaccessible. 

''Anything is possible,'' says Prof. Vilayanur
Ramachandran, director of the Center for Brain and
Cognition at the University of California at San Diego and
the noted author of ''Phantoms in the Brain.'' Snyder's
theories have not been proved, he allows, but they are
brilliantly suggestive: ''We're at the same stage in brain
research that biology was in the 19th century. We know
almost nothing about the mind. Snyder's theories may sound
like 'The X-Files,' but what he's saying is completely
plausible. Up to a point the brain is open, malleable and
constantly changing. We might well be able to make it run
in new ways.'' Of those who dismiss Snyder's theories out
of hand, he shrugs: ''People are often blind to new ideas.
Especially scientists.'' 


Bruce L. Miller, the A.W. and Mary Margaret Claussen
distinguished professor in neurology at the University of
California at San Francisco, is intrigued by Snyder's
experiments and his attempts to understand the
physiological basis of cognition. But he points out that
certain profound questions about artificially altered
intelligence have not yet been answered. ''Do we really
want these abilities?'' he asks. ''Wouldn't it change my
idea of myself if I could suddenly paint amazing
pictures?'' 

It probably would change people's ideas of themselves, to
say nothing of their ideas of artistic talent. And though
that prospect might discomfort Miller, there are no doubt
others whom it would thrill. But could anyone really guess,
in advance, how their lives might be affected by instant
creativity, instant intelligence, instant happiness? Or by
their disappearance, just as instantly, once the TMS is
switched off? 

As he walked me out of the university -- a place so Gothic
that it could be Oxford, but for the intensely flowering
jacaranda in one corner and the strange Southern Hemisphere
birds flitting about -- and toward the freeway back to
downtown Sydney, Snyder for his part radiated the most
convincingly ebullient optimism. ''Remember that old saw
which says that we only use a small part our brain? Well,
it might just be true. Except that now we can actually
prove it physically and experimentally. That has to be
significant. I mean, it has to be, doesn't it?'' 

We stopped for a moment by the side of the roaring traffic
and looked up at a haze in the sky. Snyder's eyes
contracted inquisitively as he pieced together the
unfamiliar facts (brown smoke, just outside Sydney) and
eased them into a familiar narrative framework (the forest
fires that had been raging all week). It was an effortless
little bit of deductive, nonliteral thinking -- the sort of
thing that human beings, unaided by TMS, do a thousand
times a day. Then, in an instant, he switched back to our
conversation and picked up his train of thought. ''More
important than that, we can change our own intelligence in
unexpected ways. Why would we not want to explore that?'' 




Lawrence Osborne is a frequent contributor to the
magazine.

http://www.nytimes.com/2003/06/22/magazine/22SAVANT.html?ex=1057379540&ei=1&en=c574762ebc999e71


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