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ASHINGTON
It is often said that war is too
important to be left to the generals. But what about the C.E.O.'s? The
Pentagon's plan to hire a private paramilitary force to guard sites in
Iraq may have surprised many Americans, but it was really just another
example of a remarkable recent development in warfare: the rise of a
global trade in hired military services.
Known as "privatized military firms," these companies are the
corporate evolution of old-fashioned mercenaries - that is, they provide
the service side of war rather than weapons. They range from small
consulting firms that offer the advice of retired generals to
transnational corporations that lease out battalions of commandoes.
There are hundreds of them, with a global revenue of more than $100
billion a year, operating in at least 50 countries.
Even the world's most dominant military has increasingly become
reliant on them. From 1994 to 2002, the Pentagon entered into more than
3,000 contracts with private military firms. Companies like Halliburton, Vice President Dick Cheney's former
employer, now provide the logistics for every major American military
deployment. Corporations have even taken over much of military training
and recruiting, including the Reserve Officer Training Corps programs at
more than 200 American universities. (Yes, private employees now train
our military leaders of tomorrow.)
Perhaps nothing better illustrates the industry's growing role than
the campaign against Iraq. Private employees worked on everything from
feeding and housing coalition troops to maintaining weapons systems like
the B-2 bomber. Indeed, there was roughly one private military worker in
the region for every 10 soldiers fighting the war (as opposed to one for
every 100 troops in the 1991 gulf war).
And companies will play an even greater role in the occupation. In
addition to the proposed security force, the new Iraqi military will be
trained by corporate consultants. Washington has also contracted
DynCorp, whose pilots have long helped the Pentagon destroy coca fields
in Colombia, to train the new police force.
In many cases, privatizing war has allowed for greater military
capacities and cost efficiency. A problem, however, is that while the
industry has developed at a breakneck pace, governments and global
bodies have responded at a bureaucratic crawl. There are almost no
international laws or national regulations that have significant bearing
on the industry.
This mix of profit motive with the fog of war raises several
concerns. First, the good of private companies may not always be to the
public good. All the normal worries one has with contractors
(overcharging, overbilling hours, poorly trained workers, quality
assurance) raise their ugly head; but in this case one is not dealing
with a new plumber - lives are at stake. For example, a former DynCorp
employee has accused the company of cutting costs by hiring former
waiters and security guards to work as mechanics on Army
helicopters.
Second, just like lawyers, some military contractors work only for
ethical clients while others choose to make money from less savory
types. As a result, some companies have helped save democratic regimes
and aided humanitarian groups while others have supported dictators,
rebel groups, drug cartels and terrorists.
In addition, foreign and military affairs are the government's
domain. Undertaking public policy through private means can mean that
some initiatives that might not pass public approval - such as the
increasing American involvement, outside Congressional oversight, in
Colombia's civil strife - still get carried out.
Also, privatized operations do not always go as planned. In 1998 the
Colombian Air Force, working from intelligence supplied by an American
company, mistakenly bombed a village, killing 17. In 2001 a plane
carrying missionaries was shot down over Peru after private workers
under contract to the Central Intelligence Agency alerted the Peruvian
military that the plane seemed suspicious.
International and national laws must be updated so that governments
gain some control over whom military firms are allowed to work with and
can be certain the companies can be held accountable when things go
wrong. Likewise, as governments come to rely more on private help, they
must become more business-savvy, establishing good competition and
oversight in their outsourcing. This is the only way to ensure that the
public, not just the industry, enjoys the benefits of military
privatization.
P.W. Singer is a fellow at the Brookings Institution and author
of "Corporate Warriors: The Rise of the Privatized Military
Industry."
