As Russell Baker noted
in his review of Krugman’s book, The Great Unraveling, the trouble with Krugman
as a critic of Bush2 policy is that he actually knows what he is talking about,
unlike most pundits on Economics. KWC
The
Sweet Spot By Paul Krugman, NYT, October 17, 2003 @ http://www.nytimes.com/2003/10/17/opinion/17KRUG.html What we have here is a form of
looting."
So says George Akerlof, a Nobel laureate in economics, of the Bush
administration's budget policies — and he's right. With startling speed, we've
blown right through the usual concerns about budget deficits — about their
effects on interest rates and economic growth — and into a range where the very
solvency of the federal government is at stake. Almost every expert not on the administration's payroll now sees budget deficits
equal to about a quarter of government spending for the next decade, and
getting worse after that. Yet the administration insists that there's no problem, that
economic growth will solve everything painlessly. And that puts those who want to
stop the looting — which should include anyone who wants this country to avoid
a Latin-American-style fiscal crisis, somewhere down the road — in a difficult
position. Faced
with a what-me-worry president, how do you avoid sounding like a dour party pooper? One answer is to explain that the administration's tax cuts
are, in a fundamental
sense, phony, because the government is simply
borrowing to make up for the loss of revenue. In 2004, the typical family will
pay about $700 less in taxes than it would have without the Bush tax cuts — but
meanwhile, the government will run up about $1,500 in debt on that family's
behalf. George W. Bush is like a man who tells you that he's bought
you a fancy new TV set for Christmas, but neglects to tell you that he charged
it to your credit card, and that while he was at it he also used the card to
buy some stuff for himself. Eventually, the bill will come due — and it will be
your problem, not his. Still, those who want to restore fiscal sanity probably need
to frame their proposals in a way that neutralizes some of the administration's demagoguery. In particular, they probably shouldn't
propose a rollback of all of the Bush tax cuts. Here's why: while the central thrust of both the 2001 and
the 2003 tax cuts was to cut taxes on the wealthy, the bills also included
provisions that provided fairly large tax cuts to some — but only some —
middle-income families. Chief among these were child tax credits and a
"cutout" that reduced the tax rate on some income to 10 percent from
15 percent. These
middle-class tax cuts
were designed to create a "sweet
spot" that
would allow the administration to point to "typical" families that received big tax cuts. If a
middle-income family had two or more children 17 or younger, and an income just
high enough to take full advantage of the provisions, it did get a significant
tax cut. And such families played a big role in selling the overall package. So if a Democratic candidate proposes a total rollback of
the Bush tax cuts, he'll be offering an easy target: administration
spokespeople will be able to provide reporters with carefully chosen examples
of middle-income families who would lose $1,500 or $2,000 a year from tax-cut
repeal. By leaving the child tax credits and the cutout in place while
proposing to repeal the rest, contenders will recapture most of the revenue
lost because of the tax cuts, while making the job of the administration
propagandists that much harder. Purists will raise two objections. The first is that an
incomplete rollback of the Bush tax cuts won't be enough to restore long-run
solvency. In fact, even a full rollback wouldn't be enough. According to my rough calculations,
keeping the child credits and the cutout while rolling back the rest would
close only about half the fiscal gap. But it would be a lot better than current policy. The other objection is that the tricks used to sell the Bush
tax cuts have made an already messy tax system, full of special breaks for
particular classes of taxpayers, even messier. Shouldn't we favor a reform that
cleans it up? In principle, the answer is yes. But an ambitious reform
plan would be demagogued and portrayed as a tax increase for the middle class.
My guess is that we should propose a selective rollback as the first step, with
broader reform to follow. Will someone be able to find the political sweet spot, the
combination of fiscal responsibility and electoral smarts that brings the
looting to an end? The future of
the nation depends on the answer. |
- Krugman is OK but superficial (wasRe: [Futurework] two ... Karen Watters Cole