Two pieces on the Theo van Gogh murder and while there is no direct 
queer link here, as there was with Pim Fortuyn's murder, the issue is 
an important one for anyone concerned with the problems of dealing 
with religious intolerance. 

Vikram

Outside View: Challenging Islam is risky
By Irshad Manji
Outside View commentator

Toronto, ON, Nov. 2 (UPI) -- Tuesday's slaying of Theo van Gogh, a 
Dutch filmmaker who criticized Islamic practices, reminds all of a 
nagging truth: More than 15 years after the government of Iran issued 
a death warrant against novelist Salman Rushdie, challenging Muslims 
remains a risky business. 

As a Muslim dissident, I speak from experience. My book, "The Trouble 
with Islam," has put me on the receiving end of anger, hatred and 
vitriol. That's because I'm asking questions that we Muslims can no 
longer hide from. Why, for example, are we squandering the talents of 
half of God's creation, women? What's with the stubborn streak of 
anti-Semitism in Islam today? Above all, how can even moderate 
Muslims view the Koran literally when it, like every holy text, 
abounds in contradictions and ambiguity? The trouble with Islam today 
is that literalism is going mainstream.

Muslims who take offense at these points often wind up reinforcing 
them in their responses to me. I regularly get death threats through 
my Web site. Some of my would-be assassins emphasize the virtues of 
martyrdom, wanting to hurl me into the "flames of hell" in exchange 
for 72 virgins. Others simply want to know what plane I'm next 
boarding, so they can hijack it. Somehow, I don't feel the urge to 
share my schedule.

A few threats have been up-close and personal. At an airport in North 
America, a Muslim man approached my traveling companion to 
say, "You're luckier than your friend." When she asked him to 
explain, he turned his hand into the shape of a gun and pulled the 
trigger. "She will find out later what that means," he intoned. 

But, for all of the threats, there's good news: I'm hearing more 
support, affection and even love from fellow Muslims than I thought 
possible. Two groups in particular -- young Muslims and Muslim women -
- have flooded my Web site with letters of relief and thanks. They 
are relieved that somebody is saying out loud words they have only 
whispered, and grateful that they're being given the permission to 
think for themselves. 

That's why I don't take my bodyguard everywhere I go. It may be 
necessary to have one when I visit France next week. But in my day-to-
day life, I refuse to be closely protected. If I'm going to have 
credibility conveying to Muslims that we can, indeed, live while 
dissenting with the establishment, I can't have a big, burly fellow 
looking over my shoulder. I must lead by example. So far, so good. 

To be sure, I haven't tried visiting Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia or 
Pakistan since the release of my book. (One challenge at time, 
please!) Still, the relative safety with which I've debated Islam in 
the West -- from Britain to Belgium, from Australia to Canada, from 
the Netherlands to the United States -- convinces me that Muslims in 
the West have a sterling opportunity. They are best poised to revive 
Islam's tradition of independent reasoning. Why in the West? Because 
it's here that we already enjoy the precious freedoms to think, 
express, challenge and be challenged -- all without fear of state 
reprisal.

I'm not denying that some Muslims have been targeted for harassment, 
profiling and discrimination by Western governments. I faced the same 
during the 1991 Gulf War when I was marched out of a federal building 
in Ottawa, Canada for no apparent reason. However, none of this 
negates a basic fact: If Muslims in the West dare to ask questions 
about our holy book, and if we care to denounce human rights 
violations being committed under the banner of that book, we need not 
worry about being raped, flogged, stoned or executed by the state for 
doing so. What in God's name are Muslims in the West doing with our 
freedoms?

I know what many young Muslim would like us to be doing -- thinking 
critically about ourselves and not solely about Washington. Indeed, a 
huge motivation for having written my book came from young Muslims on 
American and Canadian campuses. Even before 9/11, I spoke at 
universities about the virtues of diversity, including diversity of 
opinion. After many of these speeches, young Muslims emerged from the 
audiences, gathered at the side of stage, chatted excitedly among 
themselves, and then walked over to me.

"Irshad," I would hear, "we need voices such as yours to help us open 
up this religion of our because if it doesn't open up, we're leaving 
it." 

They're on the front lines in the battle for the soul of Islam. 
Whatever the risks to my own safety, I won't turn my back on them -- 
or on the gift of freedom bestowed by my society.

--

(Irshad Manji is author of "The Trouble with Islam: A Muslim's Call 
for Reform in Her Faith." She can be contacted through her Web site, 
www.muslim-refusenik.com.)



from The Economist: Islam in the Netherlands: Another political murder

For the second time in two years a horrific murder has traumatised 
Dutch society

THE first time the Dutch hoped it was a freak incident. But a second 
political murder in the Netherlands in the space of two years has 
left this country, which has long prided itself on its tolerant, 
liberal values, in deep shock. Dutch people fear that they may now 
live in a place where violence has become a way of settling 
differences of opinion—especially over rocky relations with a growing 
Muslim minority.

An outspoken and provocative film director, Theo van Gogh, was 
murdered in Amsterdam on the morning of November 2nd. A 26-year-old 
Dutch Moroccan apparently emptied a magazine of bullets into his 
victim, knifed him as he lay dying and left a note stabbed into his 
body. He was arrested after a shoot-out with police. Ironically, Mr 
Van Gogh was killed as he was cycling to the studio to finish editing 
a film about the previous political murder, of the flamboyant anti-
immigrant populist Pim Fortuyn in May 2002. Fortuyn, whom Mr Van Gogh 
admired, was killed by an animal-rights activist of ethnic-Dutch 
origin. At the time the fact that the killer was neither Muslim nor 
an immigrant was greeted with relief by politicians and public alike.
 
No such relief this time. The victim was an outspoken and often 
offensive critic of Islam, who once called radical Islamist 
immigrants "a fifth column of goatfuckers". His killer was a jallaba-
clad Muslim immigrant and associate of a radical group that Dutch 
intelligence has been watching. Police arrested eight more Islamist 
suspects the next day. The justice minister said the murder stemmed 
from "radical Islamic beliefs". Mr Van Gogh was killed a few months 
after the screening on television of his film "Submission". The film, 
based on a screenplay by a Dutch parliamentarian, Ayaan Hirsi Ali, 
features a Muslim woman in a see-through burqa telling a story of 
abuse within her marriage; she has text from the Koran condoning 
family violence written on to her naked body.

Ms Hirsi Ali is a Somali refugee who has made a career in Dutch 
politics by standing against radical Islam and defending her adopted 
homeland's liberal values. She even quit the Dutch Labour Party for 
the liberals because she thought it too soft on illiberal Islam. Both 
she and Mr Van Gogh received death threats after "Submission" was 
shown. She accepted protection, but he waved the threats away, saying 
he was just "a merry village fool". Who would want to kill somebody 
like that?

The government labelled the murder an "act against freedom of 
expression", and organised an Amsterdam rally against it. The 
protesters worried that the killing might be a sign that they are no 
longer free to express controversial views, or pursue the most 
outlandish lifestyles, without fearing for their personal safety.

Despite the speedy condemnation of the murder by most Muslim 
organisations, it could still provoke a sharper clash. This is more 
worrying since the Netherlands is a country where, at least 
economically, immigrants do better than in many others. Although they 
are worse off than the ethnic Dutch, there is no immigrant 
underclass, and no real ghettos exist. Some immigrants are, like Ms 
Hirsi Ali, already joining the Dutch middle class, both in incomes 
and in lifestyle.

Despite the harsh debate begun by Fortuyn three years ago, the 
country suffers from little overt racism. Fortuyn himself insisted 
that he was no racist, and bitterly dissented from comparisons 
between his party and France's National Front. Many immigrant groups, 
such as Surinamese, Chinese or eastern Europeans, fit quite happily 
into the Netherlands.

But the gulf between the ethnic Dutch and Muslims has widened (there 
are almost 1m Muslims in a total population of 16m). 
Misunderstandings tend to centre around slippery cultural values and 
social norms. To many Dutch people, the idea of building a 
multicultural society has failed. Fortuyn's rise to fame three years 
ago was a sign of how widespread this view had become. Integration is 
the buzzword now. Many Dutch feel that the time has come for the 
Muslim minority to adjust to where they live and adopt Dutch values—
precisely the view espoused by Ms Hirsi Ali.

The debate is coming at a moment when the Dutch are fretting over a 
general weakening of their social cohesion. Many see immigrants as at 
best a symbol of this change, and at worst as one of its causes. 
After this week, more will feel threatened because their Muslim 
neighbours do not share their liberal values. Dutch hostility to the 
prospect of Turkish membership of the European Union may also 
intensify. 

The hard-hitting policies of the current immigration minister, Rita 
Verdonk, have been adjusted to respond to such fears. They include 
such measures as limiting the influx of immigrants by arranged 
marriages and making more effort to integrate newcomers into Dutch 
society, for example by compelling them to learn the Dutch language.

Many immigrants say the government's aim is full assimilation. They 
attack what they see as a lack of knowledge and respect for their own 
cultural and social norms. And many Dutch of Moroccan and Turkish 
origin feel offended that they are still officially tagged 
as "foreign" despite being born and educated in the Netherlands. But 
that is not likely to change now. Instead, more public figures have 
been calling on Muslim groups to accept the liberal society they find 
themselves in—and on the government to force them to if they will not 
do so voluntarily.









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