After almost 5 years in India...I can vouch for much in this report..
 
The vast majority of externally funded HIV and sexual minority NGOs...whose 
 books I have reviewed are frauds...a fact that any small time accountant 
could  easily identify...and a fact well known by Indians...rich and poor,  
alike..
 
Additionally...many of these NGOs tend to be run by individuals...from the  
educated middle and upper classes and pseudo-communists...i.e. people who  
tend to be naturally attracted to the income streams...generated by the  
suffering of the poor and uneducated Indian..
 
I feel bad that the Gates Foundation...has found itself in such as  
situation..
 
But it might have been better to try  to break the paradigm of  suffering 
in India...than to expect riches to be used wisely or to end up in the  right 
hands...without such a change..
 
Far more powerful systems than the Gates Foundation's Avahan have met  
their matches in India...the Moghuls, the Maharajas, the British..
 
What can I say..
 
Elizabeth
 
 
 
In a message dated 6/13/2009 12:37:58 A.M. India Standard Time,  
adit.b...@gmail.com writes:
 
 
 


_http://www.businesshttp://www.businhttp://www.buhttp://wwhttp://www.http://
www.buhttp://wwwhttp://www.buhttp:_ 
(http://www.business.in.com/article/cross-border/how-bill-gates-blew-$258-million-in-indias-hiv-corridor/852/0)
 
 
 
The  purpose was noble, the money generous. But the software mogul’s 
charity for  HIV prevention in India has failed to make a lasting  impact
by Elizabeth Flock | Jun 5, 2009 
 
O n a  humid afternoon, former sex worker Fathima (name changed) welcomes a 
group of  illiterate women — still in the trade and needing protection from 
HIV — into  the Mukta clinic in Pune. As a “peer educator,” it’s her job 
to convey to them  the message of safety. But the visitors shuffle 
tentatively as  expensive-looking posters in English paper the walls around 
them. 
Why  would a clinic serving illiterate visitors use more English than 
Indian  languages?

The answer lies in where that money comes from. The Pune  clinic is part of 
a network one hundred-plus non-governmental organisations  (NGOs) working 
under the umbrella of Avahan, India’s largest HIV prevention  initiative. 
Avahan, or “call to action,” is a brain child of the world’s  largest 
philanthropist: Bill Gates.

Gates had announced the 10-year,  $100-million initiative to stop the 
spread of HIV/AIDS in India during his  much heralded visit to the country in 
November 2002. This was to be the  largest of its kind for the Bill & Melinda 
Gates Foundation.

The  timing couldn’t have been more appropriate. After nearly two decades 
of  piecemeal efforts to counter HIV, India was hurtling towards an AIDS 
epidemic.  Millions of poor people exposed themselves to the dreaded virus due 
to a lack  of awareness. Government agencies and NGOs didn’t have the money 
to preach  safety or treat the infected. Gates showed his seriousness by 
later raising  the budget to $258 million.

Seven years later, back at the Pune clinic,  Fathima has counselled the 
women, given them the sheaths of safety and sent  them back. It is time to 
worry about the future. The bad news is Avahan is  ready to pack and go; and 
Fathima is set to lose her income. She doesn’t want  to slip back into 
prostitution. At the age of 45, she doesn’t have much of a  career there 
anyway. 

When it started on the ground in 2003, Avahan set  for itself three goals: 
Arrest the spread of HIV/AIDS in India, expand the  programme from the 
initial six states to across the nation, and develop a  model that the 
government 
can adopt and sustain so that the project could be  passed on to it. More 
than five years later, Avahan hasn’t achieved any of  these goals. Doubtless, 
the initiative has made a dent into the HIV/AIDS  problem, but the impact 
is marginal for a bill of $258 million. And now Avahan  is leaving, handing 
over the reins to the government-run National AIDS Control  Organisation 
(NACO), which doesn’t want to inherit it. It is too expensive for  the 
budget-starved establishment that is as nimble as a sloth. If NACO takes  over, 
it 
will try to prune the costs of the programme. Salaries for peer  educators 
will go. 

A Five-Star Initiative
When  Gates Foundation got down to work in India, the priority was clear. 
It decided  to hire the best minds in business to run its initiatives using 
sound  principles of management. Avahan was ready to spend what it takes to 
get the  best bosses and started its search at McKinsey, the consulting 
powerhouse. The  recruiters zeroed in on Ashok Alexander, who had spent 17 
years 
turning Indian  businesses into global challengers. “They made me an offer I 
couldn’t refuse,”  Alexander recalls, sitting at his plush office in New 
Delhi. “I liked the  ambitious arch of the HIV/AIDS programme and it was a 
chance for me to do  something new.”

Soon, the 15-member team was in place. Ten of them had  come from a 
private-sector background. The team members tackled HIV/AIDS much  as they 
would a 
problem at McKinsey. Alexander’s office is papered with data  and maps 
containing hundreds of coloured dots plotting the disease across the  country. 
The argot is sheer B-school: Avahan is a “venture,” its HIV/AIDS  prevention 
programme a “franchise,” the sex worker the “consumer.”

The  classical business principles helped Avahan start on a big scale in 
six states  simultaneously. But the lack of public health experience also led 
to a  compromise on quality. Tejaswi Sevekari, director at Saheli, a sex 
workers’  collective for HIV/AIDS in Pune, remembers observing the kinks during 
her  stint at Pathfinder International, an NGO that works with Avahan. Data 
 collection and reporting were entirely in English and had no pictures. 
Five  years later, the scene is the same; the project hasn’t fully given up on  
English though no “consumer” understands the language.

Avahan operated  in a pyramid, with Alexander and his team overseeing the 
work of more than 100  NGOs. The lack of practical experience at the top 
manifested itself in  different ways. When Avahan introduced sleek mobile vans 
to bring clinics  directly to the brothels, the expensive-looking vehicles 
were sometimes met  with intense suspicion. At the Mukta clinic, Dr. Laxmi 
Mali says sex workers  initially thought the van was from the police or the 
government. They refused  help.  



Related
 
    *   _The Ashok Alexander Interview  _ 
(http://business.in.com/showinterview.php?flag=p&id=1182) 





False  Moves
The early missteps are largely anecdotal. But in 2005, an  internal 
evaluation showed a big portion of Avahan’s efforts had gone to  waste. As many 
as 
31,000 community members had been contacted by Avahan’s  outreach programme, 
but only 11,000 actually visited the clinics. The Avahan  executives had 
assumed the peer educators would already know what the  prevention services 
were without explanation; the reality was they  didn’t.

Avahan’s craving for scale also meant it overshot quite a bit.  It started 
with a bang in six states, with 50 sites for truckers in the south.  But by 
mid-2005, only 12 percent of truck drivers were even aware of their  
services, and only 7 percent took advantage of them. This forced Avahan to  
reduce 
the sites to 20. For similar reasons, Avahan’s 6,000 sexually  transmitted 
infection (STI) centers were brought down to just  800.

Alexander’s team tried to fix the glitches. For example, Avahan  tried to 
allay the fears of sex workers (such as those who had met the mobile  van 
with suspicion) by hiring them to act as intermediaries between the  programme 
and communities. An insider could be more persuasive. Good idea, but  Avahan’
s decision to pay them a salary has come in for criticism, because  other 
NGOs can’t recruit sex workers as volunteers. 

A series of  evaluations published in the AIDS Journal in 2008 show that 
the jury is still  out on the programme’s impact. The evaluations, funded by 
the Gates  Foundation, were mostly on the methods of data collection. One 
study, which  sought to determine whether Avahan was responsible for the 
decline in HIV  prevalence in Karnataka, failed to prove that it played a key 
role.  

Where Has All the Money Gone?
At the core of  Avahan’s failure to make a serious difference to India’s 
fight against AIDS is  the way it spent money. It was an expensive operation, 
never tired of throwing  money at the problem. In a country where a branded 
condom sells for just 10  cents, what did Avahan spend on? It’s difficult 
to say because Avahan’s  finances are largely opaque. Avahan’s outlets sell 
five million condoms a  month and distribute another 10 million. Asked how 
so much could be spent on  condoms, Alexander laughs, saying, “It’s a bit 
more complicated than that.”  Probed further, Alexander says he doesn’t know 
the financials off-hand, nor  can he give them later.

Travel would have been one drain. Jonty  Rajagopalan, Avahan programme 
officer from 2006 to 2008, says she would take  flights every month from her 
base in Hyderabad to her focus areas in Andhra  Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, instead 
of being based in a focus area. Another large  chunk: salaries. Alexander’s 
annual package is $424,894, the second-highest in  the foundation globally, 
not including the presidents and operating officers.  Avahan’s targeting 
intervention (TI) officers are also paid three or four  times what a typical 
NACO TI officer is paid.  

Avahan’s marketing was done in style too. Eldred Tellis, head of  Sankalp, 
an HIV/AIDS-focussed Mumbai NGO that has worked with Avahan, says he  has 
seen a lot of money go into fancy publications on high-quality paper,  
reporting the programme’s work. Very little went to the people on the ground.  
Vijay Mahajan, chairman, Basix, a microfinance institution, comments on  
Avahan: 
“There is too much money and too many really smart people with too  little 
coming out.”

An Uncertain  Torchbearer
Knowing that it would have to inherit the project,  NACO sent out 
evaluation teams to sites in four states to get some clarity on  costs. NACO’s 
head, 
Dr. Sujatha Rao, says the evaluation threw up one clear  message: Large 
parts of the programme are not sustainable by NACO. “We told  them you can’t 
create a huge number of assets and then just leave and expect  the government 
to take over everything,” says Rao. 

But Alexander  disagrees. “We are not perpetual funders. We try to be 
catalytic,” he says,  ebulliently confident that the HIV/AIDS epidemic will 
soon 
be contained, with  or without the foundation. Either way, it will have to 
be — Avahan is now  repositioning, focussing on maternal and newborn health.
Ashok Row Kavi,  consultant for UNAIDS and chairman of Humsafar Trust for 
gay and transgender  health, says Avahan’s expectations were unrealistic. “
They wanted HIV to  disappear in five years. For that to happen, a lot of 
people would have to  die.”

NACO’s annual budget is Rs. 1,100 crore ($225 million), none of  it spent 
on Avahan currently. Rao just can’t find enough money to continue the  
project. “We can never offer a replicable model. And if we are unable to  
sustain 
the programme, all of their effort will be for naught,” she says,  shaking 
her head.
When probed about the difficulties of handing over the  massive programme 
to the government, Alexander says the transfer is going just  fine. Kavi 
differs; he says that the transfer discussions between NACO and  Gates 
Foundation are “running into a brick wall right now. Costs need to be  brought 
down, 
but they can’t figure out how.” He also fears Avahan’s  now-experienced 
MBA-graduate TIs, facing shrinking salaries, will depart. The  question of 
running air-conditioned clinics like Avahan doesn’t even  arise.




The biggest hole in quality will arise where it can hurt most.  Hussain 
Makandar, HIV counsellor at the Mukta clinic, is worried about  condoms; the 
ones from Avahan lubricate; the ones from NACO break and the sex  workers stop 
using them. 
Alexander insists that only a 10th of the project  will transfer to the 
government this year and the rest will happen slowly over  the next five. “We’
re doing a transition programme. We’re not saying, ‘here’s  the programme, 
and we’re off.’” But NACO and Mukta officials, among others,  are confused 
over the timeframe.

So, the final report card on  Avahan:

Goal 3: Develop a model for HIV prevention that  can be implemented by the 
government sustainably. NACO’s resounding vote: Not  achieved.  

Goal 2: Expand the programme nationwide. Avahan  could not go beyond the 
six states it started with. Not  achieved.

Goal 1: Arrest the spread of the disease. The  number of Indians living 
with HIV/AIDS has been officially corrected from 5.1  million to 2.4 million. 
This was a statistical change, not an improvement in  health. Impact not 
known.

Back in the great Indian sex bazaar, prostitution is a growth  industry and 
condom an exception. “New faces keep coming in every month (to  the 
brothels),” says Dr. Mali. “Twenty percent of the people we now see are  
infected, 
the same as when we started.” 





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