Radical Islam Makes its Way from Afghanistan to Pakistan
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Radical Islam Makes its Way from Afghanistan to Pakistan
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Specter of the Tehreek-i-Taliban
Aug 15
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*By: Salman Rafi Sheikh*
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For the past several days, mass protests across parts of Pakistan’s
northwestern province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) have brought to the
limelight the way the outlawed *Tehreek-i-Taliban* Pakistan (TTP) is
regaining its foothold in the region bordering Afghanistan, which a year
ago fell to the fundamentalist Taliban after two decades of futile efforts
by the US to prop up a western-style government.

While there has been no meaningful official response from Pakistani
authorities so far, videos circulating on social media show armed groups of
the TTP moving freely in parts of the province. People claim that they are
being forced to pay financial tribute – protection money – to the TTP
commanders, with those refusing to obey facing threats to their businesses
and even lives. Many indeed have been killed. According to sources who
talked to Asia Sentinel, the TTP in some parts of the province has become a
parallel administration.

Thus, the Pakistan state’s previous claims of having broken the backbone of
terrorism stand shattered. Many believe that the TTP’s sudden re-emergence
is part of some secret deal between the TTP and the Pakistan military,
which has been, to the almost complete exclusion of the civilian
government, spearheading talks with the banned terror outfit since October
2021. One of the TTP’s core demands is to regain political control of
Pakistan's former Federally Administered Tribal Areas, which were merged
with the Khyber area in 2018. The TTP wants to reverse this merger to
create what its leader, Noor Wali Mehsud, has repeatedly called an “Islamic
Emirates” inside Pakistan.

If Pakistan decides to accept the TTP’s demand to reverse the merger, this
will entail amending the constitution to accommodate a terror group. But
this is a major risk, as it threatens thousands of people.

The ongoing protests in KPK province “show that there is hardly any popular
support for the TTP and/or its politics of imposing the Shariah law,” said
Wali Khan, a local resident of Waziristan. “Deal or no deal between the
military and the militants, allowing the TTP is tantamount to disowning
half a million people,” said Wali, leaving them at the mercy of a group
that has killed more than 80,000 people in a long spate of terror attacks,
including suicide bombings, across Pakistan in the last decade.

The TTP were primarily based in the federally administered territories
until the Pakistan military’s various military operations – the last one
was operation *Zarb-e-Azb* launched after the December 2014 attack on a
school in Peshawar – drove the group to eastern Afghanistan. Following the
takeover of the Afghan Taliban in August 2021, hundreds of TTP fighters
imprisoned in Afghanistan were freed, allowing Noor Wali Mehsud, the
current head, to unite various TTP factions under his command.

This was followed by a resurgence of TTP attacks in Pakistan, killing
almost 100 security personnel and civilians in 2021-22. In recent months,
many anti-TTP activists have been targeted to wipe out nonviolent
resistance against the specter of the melting pot of a transnational jihad.

The TTP, as the July 2022 report of the UN Security Council highlighted, is
very well connected with other terror groups based in Afghanistan. The
report mentions that the TTP, with 3,000 to 4,000 fighters, is the “largest
component” of foreign fighters based in Afghanistan.

As previous UNSC reports have also highlighted, many TTP commanders are
connected with al Qaeda and IS-K, the Islamic State-Khorasan Provinces
group, an affiliate of the wider Islamic State. As the 2022 report also
highlights, the anti-China East Turkestan Movement (ETIM) too has joined
IS-K to wage jihad inside Afghanistan and use the Afghan territory to
expand into Pakistan and China.

The TTP thus becomes a central actor in the existing distribution of jihadi
networks in the so-called Af-Pak region, which is why allowing the TTP to
settle in the former federally affiliated tribal areas won’t “bring peace
as we are often told,” said a local resident and activist of Dir who wanted
to remain anonymous.

“None of us, including our elders, are involved in the ongoing talks. Ever
our elected representatives are totally unaware of what is happening or
will happen”, continued the activist, adding that “Pakistan needs to change
its policy fundamentally vis-à-vis the Taliban.”

It remains that Pakistan has many Taliban sympathizers. In fact, when the
Afghan Taliban captured Kabul in August 2021, Imran Khan, the then prime
minister known as a Taliban sympathizer, went on to congratulate them for
“breaking the chains of slavery.”

Since 2013, Imran Khan’s *Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf* (PTI) has been in
power in KPK province. Therefore, local residents of KPK – in particular,
where the TTP has re-emerged – have little confidence in the ability of the
provincial government to protect them from this threat.

Videos circulating on social media show officers of the Pakistan army and
the KPK police under the TTP’s arrest. As locals confirmed, these officers
were later released after talks mediated by a local jirga. “The state
appears to be completely helpless in the face of this armed group,” said
Wal Khan, the local resident.

The apparent incapacity of the KPK administration is not its exclusive
trait. In fact, given Pakistan’s extremely precarious economic situation,
there is virtually no appetite for fighting another extremist insurgency.
The fact that the US too has withdrawn means that the Pakistan military’s
new operations are unlikely to be funded by any ‘coalition support fund’
either.

That’s why Pakistan has adopted a so-called ‘soft approach’ to hammer out
‘tough issues.’ In the last week of July, a delegation of Pakistani clerics
visited Kabul to meet the leader of TTP to convince him to change his
stance on key demands, including de-merging the tribal areas, retaining
arms and ammunition, and making no formal commitments regarding renouncing
violence. The delegation, however, failed to convince Noor Wali Mehsud.

The TTP, sensing the Pakistan state’s current weak position, seems to have
decided to establish itself in Pakistan without waiting for a formal deal.
As Wali said, “even if we believe that there is no deal, the TTP’s
maneuvers show it is moving towards presenting Pakistan with a fait
accompli.”
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