https://thediplomat.com/2019/03/delayed-but-looming-the-question-of-bougainville-independence/



Delayed But Looming: The Question of Bougainville Independence

The referendum for Papua New Guinea’s eastern region is now set for
October. How its outcome will be handled remains unclear.
By Grant Wyeth <https://thediplomat.com/authors/grant-wyeth/>
March 14, 2019








Earlier this month the date of the Bougainville independence
referendum was pushed
back
<https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/programmes/datelinepacific/audio/2018685034/bougainville-s-referendum-on-independence-delayed>.
Initially — although tentatively — scheduled for June 15, the poll will now
be held in October. Under the 2001 peace agreement
<http://www.c-r.org/accord-article/key-points-bougainville-peace-agreement>
that
followed a decade-long civil war in Papua New Guinea (PNG), it was
negotiated that a referendum on the future status of Bougainville would be
held prior to mid-2020. While preparations have been ongoing, it is
believed the Bougainville Referendum Commission (BRC), headed by former
Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern
<https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/368846/bougainville-very-happy-to-have-bertie-ahern-involved>,
would have been both financially and structurally struggling to meet the
referendum’s requirements by June.

While the delay in the referendum
<http://www.defence.gov.au/ADC/Publications/IndoPac/Woodbury%20paper%20(IPSD%20version).pdf>
isn’t
a great surprise, the exact meaning of the referendum continues to be
contested. PNG Prime Minister Peter O’Neill recently stated
<https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/384471/bougainville-referendum-not-binding-pm>
that
the referendum is nonbinding, and that after the poll is conducted the PNG
parliament will debate the results, and ultimately decide on whether
Bouganville will become the world’s newest country. O’Neill’s assertion
that ultimate authority lies with the PNG parliament has the potential to
once again inflame tensions between Bougainville and Port Moresby should
the Bougainville public vote for independence.

The position of Bougainville within PNG has been an uncomfortable one.
Geographically and ecologically Bougainville forms the northern part of the
archipelago
<https://www.google.com/maps/place/Bougainville+Island/@-6.1498399,150.8330395,6z/data=!4m5!3m4!1s0x68cedd368a18f199:0x99cab5ed068067c!8m2!3d-6.3753919!4d155.3807101>
that
includes the Solomon Islands, maintaining greater cultural and linguistic
links to these southern islands as well. However, during the colonial
endeavors of both the British and Germans the archipelago became a
contested space, with British controlling the southern islands of the
archipelago and the Germans controlling Bougainville.
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During World War I Bougainville was occupied by Australia, which
subsequently administered it within the Territory of New Guinea. Several
days before PNG gained its independence from Australia in 1975,
Bougainville unilaterally declared independence as the Republic of the
North Solomons  However, the republic was never recognized by the
international community, and it was absorbed into the newly sovereign PNG
within six months.

In 1988 the tensions derived from this uneasy relationship became funneled
into a dispute involving the Panguna Copper mine, operated by Rio-Tinto
<http://www.smh.com.au/world/billiondollar-mess-a-major-disaster-the-people-do-not-deserve-to-have-20160817-gquzli.html>.
Grievances over the distribution of royalties and the environmental damage
the mine was creating led to a revolt by the Bougainville Revolutionary
Army (BRA) against the national PNG government, and the subsequent
decade-long civil war
<http://www.ipsnews.net/2016/06/post-war-truth-and-justice-still-elusive-in-bougainville/>.
A truce was called in 1997, with peace talks sponsored by New Zealand
beginning in 1998, and a peace agreement signed in 2001, creating the
Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG). This made Bougainville the only
province of PNG to have its own legislature; the governors of PNG’s other
21 provinces all sit within the national parliament.

In October last year the question
<https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/368565/question-agreed-for-bougainville-s-independence-referendum>
for
the referendum was agreed upon. It states: *Do you agree for Bougainville
to have: (1) Greater Autonomy (2) Independence.* It is an interesting
question because it doesn’t offer a status quo option. And this is
potentially what is proving problematic for O’Neill, as either option will
weaken the position of the national parliament. Beyond this, either option
also has the potential to inspire other movements in PNG toward their own
greater autonomy or indeed independence. This is a something that is
already recognized by O’Neill, with his government signing the “Inter
Government Agreement
<http://www.looppng.com/png-news/autonomy-signing-3-provinces-78212>” to
begin the process of devolving powers
<https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/deciding-future-png-provinces>
to
the provinces of New Ireland, East New Britain, and Enga. However, O’Neill
is probably wary of losing control of this process as these provinces
witness the Bougainville referendum results.

For Bougainville, however, just how it manages to transition from its
current political status to one of either greater autonomy or independence
remains contentious. The powers granted
<https://peaceaccords.nd.edu/sites/default/files/accords/Bougainville_Peace_Agreement_2001.pdf>
to
Bougainville under the 2001 peace agreement has effectively allowed it to
begin the process of state-building; however, at present only around 14
percent of the ABG’s budget is derived from internal revenue generation.
This has created an ongoing debate
<https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/new-battle-bougainville-s-panguna-mine>
about
whether the Panguna copper mine should be reopened.

Earlier this year Bougainville President John Momis proposed changes to the
Mining Act that would greatly increase the royalties for local
landowners. Momis told
<https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/programmes/datelinepacific/audio/2018680848/bougainville-to-set-up-local-company-to-reopen-mine>
 *Radio New Zealand* in February that the government plans to set up its
own joint venture with an Australian company called Caballus Mining to be
known as Bougainville Advance Mining. It is estimated
<https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-02-11/-58-billion-pacific-mine-claim-seen-at-risk-as-referendum-nears>
that
the Panguna mine retains around $58 billion worth of copper and gold,
making the reopening of the mine an almost irresistible prospect for the
revenue-starved Bougainville government.

Yet the community remains divided
<https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/381999/rights-group-trying-to-stop-large-scale-mining-on-bougainville>
over
the mine. Being the initial source of grievance that led to the civil war
that killed up to 20,000 people, the revenue it could generate for region
is not the only consideration to reestablishing its operations. There is a
delicate recent memory that will require continued attention. This and
Prime Minister O’Neill’s assertion that the results of the referendum would
be nonbinding both have the potential to disrupt Bougainville’s current
peace if not handled carefully.

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