Some great detail in here and, of course, geoengineering
references....

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/guest_contributors/article6934094.ece

>From The Times
November 27, 2009
Behind the scenes at the biggest deal on Earth
For all the corridor plotting and text chopping the best hope is a
fudge. After Copenhagen we’ll turn to wackier solutions
Tony Brenton

Sometime towards the end of the Copenhagen climate conference, Michael
Zammit Cutajar, a Maltese diplomat and conference chairman, will
gather 20 or so people into a back room of the Bella Conference Centre
for an all-night session (or two) to do the deal. All the noise and
the posturing, the 20,000 delegates, the lobbyists, the dramatic green
demonstrators, the 180-page legal negotiating text, will be shut
outside.

Those 20 people — representatives of the world’s key climate-change
governments — will have in front of them perhaps a ten-page text. They
will agree, or not, on greenhouse gas emissions limits for developed
countries, financial assistance for developing countries and emissions
constraints that developing countries are willing to take on in
exchange for that assistance. If they find agreement they will sell it
to the wider conference and then to the wider world. It will set our
course for at least the decade to come.

What are the chances of success? Of all the negotiations I have been
involved with, those on climate have been the hardest to call. This is
the biggest piece of international business that mankind has ever
done. Huge interests are involved (we are talking about fundamental
reform of the world’s trillion-dollar energy sector). Lobbyists, from
Exxon to Greenpeace, are stridently present. The range of national
interests — from Saudi Arabia’s dependence on hydrocarbons to
Vanuatu’s potential submersion — is bewilderingly wide. And because it
is so important, the maelstrom of corridor plotting, text chopping,
endless reaffirmation of entrenched negotiating positions and rhetoric
make it very hard to identify where the centre of gravity might lie.

In the case of Copenhagen the shelving of efforts to finalise a
legally binding text demonstrates how complex and fractious things
have become. That the negotiation coincides with a world recession
limits what rich countries can offer. And the poor world remains
obdurate that it will do nothing the rich world won’t pay for. On the
other hand, no one wants to take responsibility for failure. The US
has come up with its first real offer on emission cuts since its
abandonment, a decade ago, of the Kyoto Protocol. Even in India (a
benchmark developing country) there is some debate about more
flexibility.

So outright failure is unlikely. But it is equally unlikely that
Copenhagen will get us right around the climate corner. The
probability has to be, at best, an interim deal with lots of work
still to do. This is a pity because, behind the fog of negotiation,
the political landscape is more positive than it has ever been.

Two key things have changed. First, US public and scientific opinion
is much more convinced of the reality of climate change, and the need
to deal with it, than was the case at Kyoto. And the US now has an
administration ready to take the lead. This doesn’t mean it will be
easy to reduce US energy profligacy, but at least the will is now
there.

Second, the hitherto refusal of the developing world to contribute to
emissions reductions is beginning to fragment. Key players, led by
China and Brazil, recognising the potential costs of climate change
for themselves as well as the benefits of taking the lead in energy-
saving technology, are now looking for ways to constrain their
emissions growth. This is a huge step in negotiations that have been
dominated by a sterile confrontation between developed and developing
blocs. In a world where the annual increase in China’s emissions alone
outweighs all of the savings achieved by the Kyoto Protocol, it is a
crucial step.

But, while the politics may be moving from red to green, the science
tells us that the timing problem is acute. The positive trend is
undermined by evangelism winning over objectivity in the scientific
debate. The reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
read more like exercises in advocacy than sober scientific analysis.
This has undermined the credibility of their projections and
contributed to the growth of “climate agnosticism”, led here by Nigel
Lawson.

Even taking into account the huge uncertainties, the picture painted
by the IPCC and others is both persuasive and stark. We have perhaps a
couple of decades to reduce global emissions if we are to avoid
catastrophic climatic effects.

It is hard to see the negotiating process moving fast enough to turn
this round. Its first product, the 1991 Rio Convention, was broken-
backed at birth. Its second product, the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, was
abandoned by the US and, to the extent it did succeed, only did so
because of the Soviet industrial collapse. The process has been
bedevilled by green posturing, overoptimistic target setting, US
solipsism and Third World militancy. The “Copenhagen Protocol”, if we
get there, will reincorporate the US and begin to place downward
pressure on the fastest-growing emissions; those from developing
countries. But while those emissions may grow more slowly, they will
continue to grow. The governments of the poor are not going to let
concern about the climate condemn their people to remain poor.

So radical new approaches are going to be needed. Expect, after
Copenhagen, much more talk of carbon taxes and tariffs. Expect, too,
sharply increased interest in the various “geoengineering” options
recently aired by the Royal Society: global afforestation, deliberate
plankton growth, “space mirrors”, artificial volcanoes. Wacky (and
hideously difficult to agree) as some of these may seem, they may soon
be our only way out.

Tony Brenton was a British diplomat from 1975 to 2009, most recently
serving as Ambassador to Moscow

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