Rock, paper, scissors, lizard, Spock… and global warming policy choice

by John Hickman
Monday, January 28, 2013
Comments (43)


The conjuncture of environmental protection, international law, and
political economy renders every policy response to global warming
imperfect. In an example of Condorcet’s Paradox, any policy response
preferred according to one set of values, and perhaps acceptable
according to another, is rejected according to yet another. Is the
same true for space-based solutions to the issue?

Consider global greenhouse gas emissions reduction via government
taxation and regulation. Popular because it carries no risk of
additional environmental harm and promises restoration of the climate
to an early industrial status quo, and permissible under international
law, it runs afoul of the collective action problem in political
economy. Realizing this policy is the ostensible goal of the annual
Conferences of Parties for the Kyoto Protocol since 1995, but the
product of those negotiations has been a record of failure to share
the burden. Most states appear determined to free ride on any
reductions in emissions made by a handful of more virtuous states.1

Next consider cloud whitening, the continual dispersal of sea salt in
clouds to enhance albedo. Such a policy would avoid the collective
action problem inherent in negotiating a successful comprehensive
international agreement because it could be executed either by
individual states or small numbers of states interested in realizing a
regional rather than a global climate benefit. It would encounter less
(but still some2) opposition because of anticipated environmental harm
than other geoengineering proposals because it would be both
relatively inexpensive and readily reversible.3 The veto is found in
international law. Multiple international treaties establish a duty
not to cause transboundary harm, reversible or not, to the
atmosphere.4

And next consider ocean fertilization, the adding of nutrients for
phytoplankton in the oceans to increase carbon sequestration.
Surprisingly, this policy may be more acceptable according to
international law than the other geoengineering proposals involving
the oceans. The 1996 London Protocol was amended in 2006 to permit
sub-seabed geological carbon sequestration.5 Ocean fertilization is
inhibited by a surmountable political action problem: the absence of
any legal basis for including it in schemes for acquiring carbon
credits. The likely veto comes from environmental science.

On first inspection, there appears no escape from this policy
intransitivity in space. Although deploying a sunshade to deflect
solar radiation either in near Earth orbit or at the Earth-Sun L1
point would be permissible under international law, and the possible
environmental harm would be markedly less if constructed from
materials mined and manufactured in space, considerations of political
economy present significant obstacles. The first is moral hazard. An
effective sunshade would weaken the impetus for states to curb
greenhouse gas emissions. The second is the sort of free riding
associated with collective goods. Roger Angel estimates the cost of
constructing a smart cloud sunshade at L1 at $5 trillion.6 States
making no contribution to the cost of constructing a sunshade could
not be excluded from its benefits. Little imagination is needed to
anticipate refusals to contribute by the overlapping categories of
states that are small, poor, and lack serious space programs. Skipping
out on the bill would probably be justified in terms of distributive
justice claims that characterize much of the discussion of global
warming in international fora.

In the absence of a planetary government with the power to extract
contributions from the free riders, a wealthy spacefaring power might
still be persuaded to undertake the Herculean task of constructing a
sunshade in exchange for something else that it values.7 One
possibility is that it might accept the extraterrestrial location
where it mines the raw material and manufactures the necessary
components as the reward for its efforts. In effect, sovereign
territory on the Moon or, at the very least, a monopoly on the
remaining mineral resources from a captured asteroid might serve as
payment. Note, this assumes that the 1967 Outer Space Treaty will
still be the basis for the international space legal regime and that
free riders possess some collective ownership that they could
sacrifice. That this treaty is actually a rather flimsy barrier to
asserting claims of sovereign extraterrestrial territory is clear.8

Maintaining a climate on Earth permitting majority of humanity to live
long and prosper would be the chief benefit of constructing a
sunshade. Another is that it would necessitate activity in space on a
scale that might be open it to development and settlement beyond near
Earth orbit. That would increase the value of any extraterrestrial
reward given to the spacefaring power that constructs a sunshade.

Endnotes
1 Spock’s comment on diplomacy in the Star Trek episode “The Mark of
Gideon” (January 17, 1969) is apt: “We must acknowledge, once and for
all, that the purpose of diplomacy is to prolong a crisis.”

2 Alan Robock warns that humanity might suffer psychological harm
because of the disappearance of blue skies and the increased frequency
of red sunsets. “20 Reasons Why Geoengineering May Be a Bad Idea.”
Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. May/June 2008.

3 The Royal Society. “Geoengineering the Climate: Science, Governance
and Uncertainty.” September 1, 2009. p. 28.

4 Ibid., p. 40.

5 Kelsi Bracmort and Richard K. Lattanzio. “Geoengineering: Governance
and Technology Policy.” Congressional Research Service. January 2,
2013. p. 33.

6 Roger Angel. “Feasibility of Cooling the Earth With a Cloud of Small
Spacecraft Near the Inner Lagrange Point (L1).” PNAS. November 14,
2006.

7 Only in the dream palace of the libertarians would private firms
agree to bear such an economic risk.

8 John Hickman. “Red Moon Rising.” Foreign Policy. July/August 2012.

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