http://www.chinadialogue.net/article/show/single/en/6254-China-s-domestic-agenda-and-the-global-politics-of-geoengineering

China’s domestic agenda and the global politics of geoengineering

Kingsley Edney

Jonathan Symons

02.08.2013

Given the fractious nature of international climate politics, an emerging
global governance framework for geoengineering could be derailed if China
is not fully engaged in the processSchemes to geoengineer the climate are
being given increasingly serious consideration (Image by Stephen
Thomas) Should we fear future international conflict over geoengineering of
the earth’s climate? As the impacts of climate change become more apparent,
might China and the United States take such divergent approaches that
cooperative global governance of geoengineering will be impossible? Careful
analysis of Chinese domestic political factors suggests that a feared
scenario in which unilateral Chinese implementation of geoengineering
triggers international conflict is highly unlikely, although not
impossible.A recent debate in chinadialogue over the capacity for
international negotiations to prompt domestic action on climate change has
highlighted the importance of transnational interaction for national
climate politics. Where Li Shuo of Greenpeace China argues that
international agreements spur domestic Chinese efforts, Thomas
Hale questions the potential for the UNFCCC negotiation process to
constrain national GHG emissions; rather, he argues that external actors
can best influence national climate polices through strategic engagement
with domestic policymaking. Hale cites the recent Xi-Obama
Sunnylands agreement to regulate HFCs under the Montreal Protocol as a case
where international negotiations strengthened the hand of reform advocates
within China, and so shifted the balance of domestic political forces. In
Hale’s account effective international interventions must be strategic and
engaged with domestic policy debates.In an article in The Pacific Review,
we consider the Chinese domestic policy factors and transnational
interactions that will ultimately shape the international governance of
solar radiation management (SRM). SRM refers to forms of intentional
geoengineering of the planetary environment that seek to counteract climate
change by blocking the absorption of solar energy. While there are many
possible forms of SRM, most discussion currently surrounds techniques that
would reflect sunlight by dispersing sulphate particles in the upper
atmosphere. We know from previous volcanic eruptions that stratospheric
sulphates have the capacity to cool the planet and studies suggest that the
warming impact of GHG emissions could be negated by SRM for a fraction of
the cost of constraining emissions. Although SRM has economic appeal, it is
widely viewed as an undesirable fallback measure because a planet cooled by
SRM would possess novel atmospheric chemistry; the environmental
consequences are not fully understood but would include changes in rainfall
and weather patterns, continued ocean acidification and potential harm to
the ozone layer. Despite the obvious pitfalls, the continuing failure of
global climate negotiations to arrest GHG emissions growth means that some
form of planetary intervention seems increasingly inevitable. It is
testament to this growing interest that the Fifth Assessment Reportof the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (2014) will, for the first time,
review the science of geoengineering.Since SRM could be initiated by any
technologically capable country, but would have profound global
implications, it creates a serious global governance challenge. Some
scholars, including Clive Hamilton in a
recent chinadialogue interview, have worried that China might be tempted to
implement SRM unilaterally. Fortunately, however, early steps toward
strategic international engagement over SRM have been promising. In
September 2011 a group of international scientists involved in the
non-governmental SRM Governance Initiative (SRMGI) conducted high-level
meetings with Chinese scientists and government officials. These meetings
raised SRM’s profile in China and have coincided with increasing interest
within Chinese scientific funding bodies.The result has been that the first
serious discussion of SRM in China has occurred within an internationally
connected scientific community. This context has reduced the likelihood
that governance of SRM will be framed as an attempt by the developed West
to impose restrictions on China’s development in the name of environmental
protection. Early international scientific engagement also increases the
possibility that states will share common perceptions concerning the costs
and benefits of SRM. Shared conceptual perceptions of SRM are likely to
ensure that perceptions concerning state interests also converge, and so
are key to lowering the probability of future conflict.Our research shows
that there is currently more convergence than divergence between the public
discussions of geoengineering in China and in the developed world. Media
coverage of geoengineering in China mainly appears in the form of articles
translated from Western sources, such as The Guardian or The Economist. As
in the developed world, such coverage has shifted in a relatively short
period from incredulous reporting of seemingly outlandish schemes toward
more serious consideration of the pros and cons of various
technologies. Despite this reliance on foreign news sources and the
reluctance of the Chinese media to investigate China’s possible role in
research and implementation of SRM, indigenous voices are beginning to
emerge in the geoengineering debate in China. Senior scholar-officials such
as Ding Yihui and Fang Jingyun have made public comments about
geoengineering and will likely play an important role in shaping Chinese
policy. Ding, who is the Deputy Director of the National Climate Change
Experts Committee, has said that geoengineering technologies should only be
used if we reach a point of sudden, irreversible change.However, Fang, who
headed an important 2009 project that investigated China’s climate change
research strategy and in 2010 became a panel member on the InterAcademy
Council’s UN-sponsored review of the IPCC, has stated that study of the
feasibility and impact of geoengineering technologies should begin ‘as soon
as possible’.The open discussion in the Chinese media and the broad range
of views put forward by Chinese experts indicate that there is not yet any
official government position on geoengineering. China’s limited
contribution to a 2010 debate over a partial international moratorium is
also consistent with this supposition. Given this vacuum, it seems likely
that China’s scientific community – which is increasingly internationally
networked – will have a real capacity to influence emerging policies.While
there is no shortage of media attention to geoengineering in China, actual
research and implementation of SRM technology is much harder to locate.
Despite the Chinese state’s expertise in weather modification and
utilitarian attitude toward reshaping the natural world for human use,
China has not been quick to embrace SRM research. If anything, China is
only now beginning to follow the lead of countries such as Germany and the
UK and engage with the geoengineering issue at a policy level. In the last
two years geoengineering has been included in the list of priority research
topics eligible for government geoscience funding, but it is still unclear
how many Chinese scientists have actually applied for grants and how much
money the state is investing in such projects. Fang’s call for more
geoengineering research may have more to do with ensuring China stays
abreast of international developments than with any desire to actually
implement SRM technology in the foreseeable future.  The current
convergence between Chinese and global debates over geoengineering make it
more likely that as China proceeds toward SRM research, and possible
implementation, it will do so in a way that aligns with developing
international norms. However, this does not mean we can assume cooperation
is inevitable. Given the fractious nature of international climate politics
as well as the general potential for friction between China and the US in
their bilateral interaction, a nascent global governance framework for
geoengineering could be derailed if China is not engaged fully in the
process. A geoengineering regime negotiated without Chinese involvement
will be vulnerable to charges of Western ‘eco-imperialism’ regardless of
whether it takes a relatively permissive or restrictive stance towards SRM
research and implementation. China’s desire to maintain a leadership role
in the G77 might also see it seeking a distinctive ‘developing world’
perspective on geoengineering. The prospect of future implementation of SRM
may free China to maintain its strict interpretation of the norm of ‘common
but differentiated responsibility’ by reassuring vulnerable developing
states that they can continue to take a hard line in global climate
negotiations without fear of environmental catastrophe.The important
differences between China’s political system and those of states in the
developed West can make it difficult for outside observers to understand
China’s national climate politics. However, strategic international
engagement with domestic Chinese debates over geoengineering is vital if a
cooperative SRM governance framework is to emerge. Opponents of
geoengineering may be unhappy with any attempt to legitimise SRM
technology, but if Chinese perceptions of its risks and opportunities are
in alignment with an emerging international consensus then at least any
eventual moves toward implementation should occur in a context of
multilateral cooperation.

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