Poster's note : relevant to geoengineering without mentioning it!

http://www.nature.com/news/crispr-science-can-t-solve-it-1.17806?WT.mc_id=TWT_NatureNews&utm_content=bufferbf068&utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=buffer

CRISPR: Science can't solve it
Daniel Sarewitz
23 June 2015
Democratically weighing up the benefits and risks of gene editing and
artificial intelligence is a political endeavour, not an academic one, says
Daniel Sarewitz.

This year, several leading researchers have sounded warnings about the
risks of using the CRISPR gene-editing technique to modify human1 and other
species' genomes in ways that could have “unpredictable effects on future
generations” and “profound implications for our relationship to nature”
(see go.nature.com/jq5sik).

Concerns are coming from the silicon sector as well. Last year, the
physicist Stephen Hawking proclaimed that rapidly advancing artificial
intelligence (AI) could destroy the human race. And in 2013, former Royal
Society president Martin Rees co-founded the Centre for the Study of
Existential Risk at the University of Cambridge, UK, in part to study
threats from advanced AI.

Leaders of the scientific community are ready to share the responsibility
for these powerful technologies with the public. George Church, a
geneticist at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and others
wrote last year of CRISPR that “the decision of when and where to apply
this technology, and for what purposes, will be in our collective hands”.

But scientists also want to control the terms of engagement. The US
National Academies, for example, will “guide decision making” by convening
researchers and other experts later this year “to explore the scientific,
ethical and policy issues associated with human gene-editing research”.
Scientists also emphasize the need for more research on risks and benefits
to “better inform future public conversations”3. For instance, in the past
few months, hundreds of scientists and technologists have signed an online
open letter arguing that research is necessary to learn how to accentuate
the positive aspects of AI and avoid its potential perils (see
go.nature.com/jcyjib).

Who values what
The idea that the risks, benefits and ethical challenges of these emerging
technologies are something to be decided by experts is wrong-headed, futile
and self-defeating. It misunderstands the role of science in public
discussions about technological risk. It seriously underestimates the
democratic sources of science's vitality and the capacities of democratic
deliberation. And it will further delegitimize and politicize science in
modern societies.

The never-ending debates about genetically modified (GM) organisms, nuclear
power, chemical toxicity and the efficacy of cancer screening should be
evidence enough that science does not limit or resolve controversies about
risk.

There is no way to capture the full complexity of these issues from a
scientific perspective. When new technologies are introduced into complex
socio-technical systems, everyone is ill-informed about the risks.
Differing bodies of evidence provide ammunition for competing views.
Legitimate experts are always available to support conflicting preferences.

Nature special: CRISPR — the good, the bad and the unknown
For example, an agricultural economist (concerned about crop yield) and an
ecologist (concerned about ecosystems), will bring different sets of
evidence, and probably entirely different values, to bear on studying the
impacts of GM organisms. Even among agricultural economists, some
researchers prefer field trials that allow for the careful control of
variables such as weather and soil type; others study actual farms to
capture real-world variability. These two perspectives often yield
contradictory results4.

To many European consumers, moreover, research on crop yields is
irrelevant. They are concerned5 with the motives behind corporate decisions
about crop varieties, aesthetic qualities of landscapes and food varieties,
and principles of choice and transparency that would demand the labelling
of GM foods even if there is no known health risk.

In other words, risk is more a political and cultural phenomenon than it is
a technical one. Turning its framing over to scientists and other
privileged experts, such as ethicists and social scientists, is to turn
politics and culture over to them as well.

Scientists are not elected. They cannot represent the cultural values,
politics and interests of citizens — not least because their values may
differ significantly from those of people in other walks of life. A 2007
study6 on the social implications of nanotechnology, for instance, showed
that nanoscientists had little concern about such technologies eliminating
jobs, whereas the public was greatly concerned (see 'A matter of
perspective'). Each group was being rational. Nanoscientists have good
reason to be optimistic about the opportunities created by technological
frontiers; citizens can be justifiably worried that such frontiers will
wreak havoc on labour markets.

Opening up questions of risk to democratic debate is on the whole good for
science and innovation. The physicist Alvin Weinberg, a strong advocate for
nuclear power, recognized this in the 1970s. Weinberg noted that the public
debate of “questions like the probability of a reactor accident runs the
risk of introducing exaggeration and distortion”. Yet he also recognized
that public pressure in the United States led to much greater attention to
reactor safety than in the Soviet Union, where the public did not have a
right “to participate in scientific and technological debate”7.

Different cultural and political approaches to choosing and managing risks
invite different approaches to problem solving. Having rejected nuclear
power, Germany is becoming a demonstration project for renewable-energy
technologies, even as its neighbour France has shown how nuclear can
provide an alternative low-carbon energy system. Opposition to GM was
described as “a form of madness” by former European Commission science
adviser Anne Glover, but it is part of a broader consumer movement that
stokes demand for large-scale organic farming, integrated pest management,
reduced use of antibiotics and reduced consumption of beef. Such
preferences open up alternative innovation pathways that can add diversity
and resilience to the global food system.

These ongoing debates show that the scientific community's efforts to wrest
control over the specification of technological risk have not worked.
Instead they have undermined the legitimacy of science.

As new areas of contentious technology emerge, the way out of this
situation is to let democratic deliberation lead the way in determining
which values and world views ought to be protected and which sacrificed.

Worldwide views
If an informed public discussion is needed, then let's have one. The
capacity of people to learn about and deliberate wisely on the technical
aspects of complex dilemmas has been documented by social scientists for
decades8.

One model for how such discussions can be organized on an international
scale has been developed by the World Wide Views (WWV) alliance,
coordinated by the Danish Board of Technology. Since 2009, WWV has convened
deliberations among diverse groups of about 100 citizens at numerous sites
around the world — on global warming, biodiversity, and, earlier this
month, climate and energy. Thousands of people have participated from all
corners of society. (In Washington DC, a WWV group discussing biodiversity
included a homeless person, a roofer and a physicist.)

Each WWV deliberation is held across the world during a single day.
Participants are provided with the same written and video background
material (vetted by expert panels) on the issue being discussed. The day is
divided into four or five thematic sessions; participants, in moderated
groups of five to eight people, discuss a set of questions for each theme,
then vote on relevant policy choices. It is too early to assess its actual
impact on policy, but WWV demonstrates the viability of large-scale,
representative deliberation on complex matters of global import.

Institutional models are also emerging that involve the public directly in
choices about research that could influence the very nature of human
existence — what might be termed the sciences of the existential. In the
United States, for example, NASA last year commissioned the Expert and
Citizen Assessment of Science and Technology (ECAST) network, to convene
public deliberations on options for asteroid detection, mitigation and
recovery. The results are informing agency decisions.

If the sciences of the existential are at hand, then let's make decisions
about them collectively. WWV-type deliberations could address questions
about what is acceptable and what isn't, about appropriate governance
frameworks for research, and about the relative priority of different lines
of study given ongoing and inevitable uncertainties and disagreements about
risks and benefits.

This sort of discussion should continually feed into and set the boundary
conditions for expert panels. A truly deliberative process that is
geographically distributed and demographically inclusive can reveal the
variations in how risks are selected and prioritized in different places
and cultures. Values, governance regimes and research agendas can co-evolve
in response to such knowledge. Democracy and science will both be better
off.

Nature 522, 413–414 (25 June 2015) doi:10.1038/522413a

Affiliations
Daniel Sarewitz is professor of science and society and co-director of the
Consortium for Science, Policy and Outcome at Arizona State University,
Tempe, Arizona, and is based in Washington DC, USA.
Corresponding author
Correspondence to: Daniel Sarewitz

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