https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol23/iss3/art26/#Geoengineering

Olsson, L., and A. Jerneck. 2018. Social fields and natural systems:
integrating knowledge about society and nature. *Ecology and Society*
23(3):26.
https://doi.org/10.5751/ES-10333-230326

Extract

Geoengineering: an illustration of social fields and natural systems

The central aim of the Paris Agreement “is to strengthen the global
response to the threat of climate change by keeping a global temperature
rise this century well below 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels
and to pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase even further to 1.5
°C” (UNFCCC 2015:Article 2). This ambitious target in the context of
insufficient national mitigation commitments (Rogelj et al. 2016) makes
geoengineering seem inevitable (Horton et al. 2016). In contemporary
climate science, scholars discuss two fundamentally different approaches to
geoengineering: reducing the amount of solar radiation reaching the Earth,
Solar Radiation Management (SRM) versus removing CO2 from the atmosphere
into long-term storage in the geosphere or in oceans, Carbon Dioxide
Removal (CDR; Vaughan and Lenton 2011). A vast majority of mitigation
scenarios for 2 °C and all scenarios for 1.5 °C are now based on massive
deployment of negative emission technologies, notably bioenergy combined
with carbon capture and storage (BECCS) (Rogelj et al. 2015, Schleussner et
al. 2016), thus examples of CDR.

The phenomenon that we today call geoengineering, to deliberately alter the
global climate system in order to alleviate the impacts of climate change
(Allwood et al. 2014), has old roots. Geoengineering has been considered at
least since Homer’s Odyssey in the late 8th century BC or Shakespeare’s The
Tempest in 1611 (Schneider 2001). In 1997, in reaction to the increasing
demands for emission reductions under the Kyoto Protocol, the physicist
(and architect of the H-Bomb) Edward Teller published an article in the
Wall Street Journal where he promoted geoengineering under the title “The
planet needs a sunscreen” (Teller 1997).

Until recently, geoengineering was peripheral to climate science and the
climate change debate. But outside of scientific discussions, several think
tanks, lobby groups, and other interest groups associated with the fossil
fuel industry, such as the American Enterprise Institute (Union of
Concerned Scientists 2017) have used their political influence to promote
SRM as a cost-effective alternative to reducing the emissions from fossil
fuel (Lane 2009). The argument that these challengers make is entirely
economic, exemplified by a report from the Copenhagen Consensus think tank
that inquired into the benefit/cost ratios of two SRM technologies: 21-56
for injection of aerosols, and 2400-15,000 for manipulating the albedo of
clouds (Bickel and Lane 2009).

Importantly, geoengineering was neither considered a realistic nor
desirable option in the climate discourse until 2006 when the Nobel
laureate Paul Crutzen stirred up a controversy by discussing the
possibility of manipulating the Earth’s radiation balance using SRM as a
means of solving the “policy dilemma” (Crutzen 2006). Crutzen described the
dilemma of how reducing the burning of fossil fuel as a means of lowering
the emission of CO2 would also reduce the cooling from sulphur dioxide. The
solution he described was to deliberately inject aerosols into the
atmosphere. He ended his essay by saying the following:

The very best would be if emissions of the greenhouse gases could be
reduced so much that the stratospheric sulphur release experiment would not
need to take place. Currently, this looks like a pious wish (Crutzen
2006:217).
What Crutzen did not realize was that by publishing the essay he probably
made a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions (even) less plausible because
just the perception of geoengineering as a viable option reduces the
willingness to curb CO2 emissions (Faran and Olsson 2018). From a natural
systems point of view, his reasoning makes sense; if we cannot reduce
global warming by curbing the emission of greenhouse gases, then we should
at least try to counteract the warming by injecting aerosols. But if we
apply a social field analysis, we come to another conclusion after
considering the broader political implications. By initiating a debate on
geoengineering that suddenly became very lively (the essay is cited about
1100 times), Paul Crutzen (willingly or unwillingly) became part of the
geoengineering discourse aimed at diminishing the will to curb greenhouse
gas emissions. In Figure 2 and Table 1, we illustrate how different
strategic action fields interact with each other and potentially with the
Earth system itself. Inspired by Fligstein and McAdam (2012) we ask, who
creates new fields, how is it done, and for what purpose? At its core, this
comprehensive question focuses on, where is the power, what are the
tactics, and what is at stake?

Importantly, Crutzen’s reasoning about the Earth system offered a serious
option for scientists, economists, and policy makers of geoengineering to
address climate change from this particular angle. Thereby, we argue, he
initiated a new strategic action field, which we call the geoengineering
field. Further, we argue that it was not so much the message that counted,
because similar views had been expressed before, but the messenger. Paul
Crutzen was considered an environmental hero, as one of three scientists
and Nobel laureates who first described how stratospheric ozone was
destroyed by chemicals and whose discoveries led to the Montreal Protocol
(Kaniaru 2007), often heralded as the most successful multilateral
environmental treaty ever.

According to the Web of Science, in the six years that preceded Crutzen’s
essay, 2000–2005, only four papers containing “solar radiation management”
or “albedo enhancement” were published. In the six years after Crutzen’s
essay, 2007–2012, 77 papers were published (January 2018). Thus, it seems
clear that Crutzen’s essay was instrumental in initiating the Royal Society
landmark report on geoengineering in 2009 (Shepherd 2009). Even if that
report takes a very cautious approach to geoengineering, stressing the
uncertainty and ethical aspects associated with it, it offered scientific
legitimacy to geoengineering, which was reinforced in 2014 by the IPCC in
AR5 (IPCC 2014).

At the time of the publication of Crutzen’s essay, the strategic action
field of climate change mitigation (CC policy regime), i.e., reduction of
emissions, was dominated by environmental interests from scientists,
governments, Big International NGOs, and NGOs. Within the realm of the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, governments had
created an “array of narrowly-focused regulatory regimes - what we call the
“regime complex for climate change”” (Keohane and Victor 2011). The fossil
fuel industry was largely excluded from any of these mechanisms. Their
interest was more oriented toward undermining the regime complex by
engaging in climate denialism and aggressive lobbying (Mulvey and Shulman
2015). The emergence of geoengineering as a legitimate field in climate
change discourses, legitimate because of Crutzen, the Royal Society, and
the IPCC, implied that the fossil fuel sector could enter the climate
change policy regime. A further implication was that interests associated
with climate change denialism could suddenly make an inroad into the
climate change policy regime, as seen in Figure 2. In summary, this case
clearly shows how a complex web of incumbents and challengers come to
interact.

The incumbents in the climate change policy regime, such as governments, UN
organizations, the IPCC, the broad scientific community, etc., are strong
and hard to challenge, but co-optation can be as effective (Friedrichs
2011). The main challengers in this field are primarily the fossil fuel
industry and its proponents, including some oil producing countries (Union
of Concerned Scientists 2017). Their interest is not climate change per se,
but the implications of climate change for the future of fossil fuel
production and consumption. So, by embracing the idea of geoengineering,
i.e., participating in the Geoengineering field, the fossil fuel industry
can now play on yet another arena. More recently, the Trump administration
in the USA created a windfall for the fossil fuel industry by opening for
them the gates to policy making hubs for both energy (DOE) and the
environment (EPA; Marie and Pifer 2017).

To recap the idea of a strategic action field, a strategic action field
represents a social space where actors, because of dependent interests, are
forced to increasingly take one another into account in their own actions
and to do so from a more or less privileged position or niche. In this
space, issues of power, interest, and values are at work and so are issues
of meaning and identity (Fligstein and McAdam 2012). Once we understand how
social relations in one strategic action field are tied to relations in
others, we can start capturing the dynamics of a given field (Fligstein and
McAdam 2012). In the context of sustainability challenges, field theory is
supposed to offer insights into whether or not a particular idea, policy,
or project will spread and whether it will dominate the field by virtue of
who is launching, defending, and/or supporting it. The hope is that such
engagement with field theory would increase the potential impact of
critical problem-solving research in sustainability science.

The special characteristic of the field of climate change is the undeniable
link to the Earth system. This means that all subfields must relate to
unprecedented empirical evidence of climate change impacts, such as heat
waves, floods, intensifying hurricane seasons, collapsing ice sheets, and
disappearing sea ice. For the climate change policy regime and climate
change science this increases the urgency of acting to prevent severe
climate impacts. For climate change denialism it means their arguments for
opposing climate change actions are weakened, while the field of
geoengineering is strengthened.

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