https://www.globalpolicyjournal.com/blog/10/08/2021/solar-geoengineering-standstill

*Solar Geoengineering at a Standstill?*

*Joshua B. Horton argues that developing countries have the most to gain
and to lose from resolving the impasse stalling global governance for
geoengineering.*

Solar geoengineering (or solar radiation modification)—the idea of
reflecting small amounts of incoming sunlight back to space to partially
offset climate change—occupies an unusual position in the global governance
landscape.  On the one hand, the technology sparks opposition
<https://insideclimatenews.org/news/07072021/sami-sweden-objection-geoengineering-justice-climate-science/>
 and outrage
<https://etcgroup.org/sites/www.etcgroup.org/files/files/etc_bbf_mar2018_us_v1_web.pdf>,
ignites calls for global bans
<https://climateanalytics.org/publications/2018/why-geoengineering-is-not-a-solution-to-the-climate-problem/>
 or placing it under international control
<https://www.cfr.org/blog/internationalism-protects-why-we-need-reboot-baruch-plan-geoengineering>,
and is regarded by some as an existential threat to humanity
<https://thehill.com/opinion/energy-environment/559329-a-dangerous-distraction-increasing-climate-risk-with-solar>.
On the other hand, it has barely been researched
<https://issues.org/toward-a-responsible-solar-geoengineering-research-program/>,
has limited commercial prospects
<https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/wcc.512> or potential for
military application
<https://www.cfr.org/blog/can-solar-geoengineering-be-used-weapon>, and has
been ignored by almost all states and international institutions
<https://direct.mit.edu/glep/article/20/3/93/95054/Steering-and-Influence-in-Transnational-Climate>
.

As I elaborate below, global governance of solar geoengineering is
currently at a standstill.  Indeed, that the idea of solar geoengineering
persists at all in the face of a strikingly indifferent establishment
harboring pockets of fierce hostility is in many ways remarkable.  The
reason for its durability, however, is simple: the available scientific
evidence
<https://wires.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdfdirect/10.1002/wcc.423> suggests
that solar geoengineering could, for perhaps tens of billions of dollars
per year <https://iopscience.iop.org/article/10.1088/1748-9326/aba7e7?s=09>,
put the planet on a trajectory that is markedly safer than the one it is
currently on.
The Promise and Problems of Solar Geoengineering

The most plausible form of solar geoengineering—stratospheric aerosol
injection—would accomplish this using a fleet of specialized jets to
disperse relatively small volumes of sulfate aerosols (or similar particles
composed of calcium carbonate or even diamond) in the upper atmosphere to
reflect sunlight and cool the Earth.  This would mimic what has been
observed to occur when some large volcanoes erupt: when Mount Pinatubo
erupted in the Philippines in 1991, for example, the aerosols that were
released cooled the planet by 0.4 °C over the following two years
<https://www.nature.com/articles/373399a0.pdf?origin=ppub>.  Compared to
the obvious difficulties the international community has encountered in
attempting to decarbonize the world economy, solar geoengineering appears
to be a much cheaper, quicker, and more straightforward way to fight global
warming.  Unsurprisingly, however, things are more complicated than that.

To begin with, cooling the planet by reflecting sunlight is not the same as
cutting carbon emissions: solar geoengineering would block incoming
shortwave radiation, whereas mitigation diminishes the enhanced atmospheric
trapping of longwave radiation caused by an amplified greenhouse effect.
As a result, a geoengineered climate would be novel: regional climates may
more closely resemble preindustrial conditions with solar geoengineering
than without it, but they would not be historical reproductions.  Such
novelty would generate distributional effects not previously encountered
(though again they may be preferable to the alternative), with new
constellations of winners and losers
<https://royalsociety.org/~/media/royal_society_content/policy/publications/2009/8693.pdf>
and
hence new grounds for social conflict.

Beyond this, the availability of a tool as seemingly inexpensive,
fast-acting, and easy to use as solar geoengineering runs a significant
risk of reducing incentives to cut emissions, by altering the cost-benefit
calculus of governments, companies, and consumers, and/or by providing
opportunities for fossil-fuel and other industries practiced in the art of
warping public opinion and the political process to exploit.  This risk is
frequently referred to as “moral hazard
<https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/eclawq40&div=32&id=&page=>.”
Additionally, the relative simplicity of the technology and ease of
implementation may allow individual countries or small coalitions to deploy
solar geoengineering unilaterally
<https://law.stanford.edu/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/horton.pdf> (although
there are significant real-world barriers to widespread deployment
capabilities).  Finally, stopping deployment prematurely, before the
atmospheric concentration of GHGs has been lowered to safe levels, could
trigger a “termination shock
<https://agupubs.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/2017EF000735>” in
which the resulting rapid warming would be significantly more damaging than
what would have occurred had solar geoengineering never been used.

As these points suggest, the most problematic and difficult to resolve
aspects of solar geoengineering do not relate to science and engineering,
but rather to politics and governance.  In short, the prospect of solar
geoengineering raises a host of difficult questions without obvious answers
or broadly accepted means of arriving at them.  Should we geoengineer?  If
so, how much would be desirable?  Since deployment would not be a binary
(yes or no) option but instead would involve multiple decisions (e.g.,
regarding aerosol release altitude and latitude) entailing significant
tradeoffs
<https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14693062.2019.1668347>, how
should deployment be designed?  When and under what conditions should solar
geoengineering start and stop?  Who should decide these questions, and
how?  Who should be held responsible if something goes wrong, and how
should compensation be provided?

These issues present formidable challenges that should not be
underestimated, yet they must not be allowed to overshadow the immense
potential benefits solar geoengineering could bring.  In a world currently
on track to overshoot the Paris temperature targets
<https://climateactiontracker.org/global/cat-thermometer/>, with worsening
weather extremes, rising sea levels, and the poorest, least responsible
countries bearing the brunt of climate impacts, solar geoengineering may be
able to alleviate suffering in a way nothing else realistically can
<https://keith.seas.harvard.edu/files/tkg/files/horton_and_keith_2016.pdf>.
One notable study <https://www.nature.com/articles/s41558-019-0398-8> shows,
for instance, that slowing the rate of global warming by half using solar
geoengineering would reduce average temperatures, heat extremes, floods,
and tropical cyclone intensity across the world while making no region
worse off.  As the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change itself
acknowledges, there is “high agreement that [solar geoengineering] could
limit warming to below 1.5°C <https://www.ipcc.ch/sr15/chapter/chapter-4/>”
(italics original).

Despite this promise, legitimate concerns about governance—especially with
respect to moral hazard—combined with ethical worries about “messing with
nature” and similar dilemmas have worked to discourage serious
consideration of the technology.  For example, worldwide funding for
research on solar geoengineering from 2008 to 2018 totaled a meager $50
million, most of it from private sources
<https://geoengineering.environment.harvard.edu/blog/funding-solar-geoengineering>.
The public nature of the technology justifies and requires public support
for research, yet not a single national government has funded a major
research program dedicated to solar geoengineering.  Moreover, no
government has offered more than provisional statements on the subject.
Toward Global Governance

Global governance of solar geoengineering could help states and other
stakeholders decide what role if any the technology should play in
addressing climate change.  Unfortunately, such governance barely exists.
The Paris Agreement and the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change under
which it was negotiated—which together constitute the principal site for
global climate governance—say nothing about solar geoengineering
<https://www.belfercenter.org/sites/default/files/legacy/files/160700_horton-keith-honegger_vp2.pdf>.
In 2010, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) endorsed a nonbinding
“moratorium” on geoengineering (with an exception for small-scale research)
<https://www.cbd.int/climate/geoengineering/>.  More recently, in 2019,
member states of the UN Environment Assembly (the governing body of the UN
Environment Programme) debated calling for a geoengineering technology
assessment but talks ultimately broke down.  The key point of disagreement
<https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/12/14/5680> pertained to whether a draft
resolution should include reference to the precautionary principle: the EU
and Bolivia insisted on this while the US and Saudi Arabia refused.  This
episode represented the most recent in a string of disputes between the US
and Europe regarding the appropriate level of precaution to adopt when
regulating risks <https://irgc.org/risk-governance/risk-regulation/tprr/>.

How might this impasse be broken?  Unlike novel technologies with
commercial potential, the noncommercial nature of solar geoengineering
means that the market will not spur its development.  And the lingering
effects of a longstanding taboo on researching solar geoengineering
<https://agupubs.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/2016EF000463> within
the scientific community—adopted and upheld for the reasons mentioned
above—makes researchers unlikely to achieve significant progress on their
own.  That leaves political interventions.  While national and
international politics have not been particularly friendly toward solar
geoengineering, neither have they been particularly antagonistic; rather,
most political actors at all levels have simply not engaged with the
technology.  Here I offer two strategies for catalyzing greater engagement
with solar geoengineering.

The first is tied to recommendations made earlier this year by the US
National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (NASEM) for a
five-year, $100 million-$200 million federal research program on solar
geoengineering
<https://www.nationalacademies.org/news/2021/03/new-report-says-u-s-should-cautiously-pursue-solar-geoengineering-research-to-better-understand-options-for-responding-to-climate-change-risks>.
Although supporters of such a program exist in Washington, DC, they have
not yet coalesced into the sort of advocacy coalition required to make it a
reality.  Were such a coalition to form—an event most likely to center on
the handful of “pragmatist” environmental groups that have previously
expressed conditional support for expanded research
<https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09644016.2021.1933763>—then
some version of what NASEM proposed might be achievable.  The success of
the Carbon Capture Coalition <https://carboncapturecoalition.org/> in
helping bring about a new US federal carbon removal research program
<https://carbon180.medium.com/the-2020-omnibus-bill-elevated-carbon-removal-like-never-before-5ad71a97a242>
provides
a partial template for action.  A US national program on solar
geoengineering might in turn prod Germany (potentially as part of an EU
effort) and China to initiate their own national programs.  The German
government previously funded small-scale research
<https://agupubs.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/2016EF000446> using
Earth system models to investigate climate responses to solar
geoengineering.  Similarly, the Chinese government has funded small-scale
research
<https://www.technologyreview.com/2017/08/02/4291/china-builds-one-of-the-worlds-largest-geoengineering-research-programs/>
focused
on model simulations as well as preliminary governance assessments.  Under
a bottom-up, US-driven scenario of this type, some degree of international
coordination, perhaps under a body like the International Science Council
<https://council.science/>, would be highly desirable.

The second revolves around the possibility of a global commission or
similar high-level panel convened to address solar geoengineering and its
governance challenges; such initiatives have already been proposed
<http://ceassessment.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/AWG_FCEA_governing-solar-radiation-management.pdf>.
A global commission composed of eminent, internationally representative
individuals not formally connected to existing governance structures would
be relatively unencumbered by conventional policy frameworks and
institutional rigidities, and thus able to inject fresh thinking and
innovative proposals into the global climate policy process.  Such a
commission would need to take seriously the governance challenges posed by
solar geoengineering and put forward carefully considered recommendations
designed to address moral hazard and other problematic aspects of potential
deployment.  If a commission were sufficiently visible and credible and
broadly viewed as legitimate, and if its recommendations were grounded in
robust analysis and based on sound political judgment, then it could help
create an opportunity to add solar geoengineering to the global climate
policy toolkit.

These types of strategies offer the prospect of galvanizing action on
research and governance of solar geoengineering.  Only a concerted research
effort can clarify risks, reduce uncertainties, and help determine whether
a responsible solar geoengineering deployment is possible and something
worth considering.  Likewise, only diplomacy—including informal
diplomacy—can establish whether solar geoengineering can be incorporated
within contemporary climate governance in a way that advances sustainable
development.  To the extent that limited research discourages work on
governance and limited governance discourages new research, pursuing both
strategies simultaneously may offer the best chance of moving past the
current stalemate.
Conclusion

Breaking this impasse is important because global technologies need global
governance.  A plausible solar geoengineering deployment could not be
confined to one geographic region
<https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs00382-020-05371-7>, but by
its very nature would affect the entire planet.  This gives everyone,
including future generations, a stake in its possible use.  Arguably,
developing
countries have the most to gain and the most to lose from solar
geoengineering <https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-018-03917-8>.  Their
geographies render them the most vulnerable to climate change and their
relative lack of resources makes them least able to adapt, yet they also
stand to benefit disproportionately from reductions in climate risk.  At
the same time, absent strong global governance, developing countries would
be less capable of shaping deployment in a way that prioritizes global
welfare.

Without global governance, solar geoengineering could exacerbate future
climate change and destabilize world politics, but with it, solar
geoengineering may offer a chance to avoid the worst impacts of climate
change and achieve more just outcomes.  It is time to move forward on
global governance.





*Joshua B. Horton is Senior Program Fellow, Solar Geoengineering at the
Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government at the Harvard Kennedy
School.  His research encompasses the politics, policy, and governance of
solar geoengineering.  From 2016 until this year, Dr. Horton was Research
Director, Geoengineering with the Keith Group at Harvard University, and
from 2013 to 2016, he was a postdoctoral research fellow in the Harvard
Kennedy School’s Belfer Center Science, Technology, and Public Policy
Program.*

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