Hi Doug,

Regarding your comment about risks, I think you make a fair point - it may
be that we overstated the risks of 1C cooling by 2050, in which case our
scenario might be even more policy-relevant.

Thanks for the feedback!

Josh

On Thu, May 1, 2025 at 6:15 PM Smith, Wake <[email protected]> wrote:

> Doug — Addressing the first item below, there was an earlier draft of the
> paper that dwelt on just the distinction you note regarding engine vs
> airframe capabilities.  I agree that engines are harder and and the
> capabilities are rarer, but as matters shook out, we ended up cutting this
> text and blurring the distinction.
>
> Wake Smith
> Lecturer: Yale School of the Environment &
> Research Fellow: Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business & Government;
> Harvard Kennedy School
> [email protected]
> 1 914 649 7722
> ------------------------------
> *From:* Douglas MacMartin <[email protected]>
> *Sent:* Wednesday, April 30, 2025 9:57 AM
> *To:* [email protected] <[email protected]>;
> geoengineering <[email protected]>
> *Cc:* Smith, Wake <[email protected]>
> *Subject:* RE: [geo] New Paper on US, China, and Big Geoengineering
>
>
> Hi Josh,
>
>
>
> This is great; so glad to see this out finally!
>
>
>
> One question, one comment:
>
> -         Curious why you included countries on the list of having the
> technical capability that don’t make aircraft engines; of the two (engines
> or airframe) would seem to me that the engines are both harder to develop
> capacity from scratch, and harder to acquire from another country if that
> country doesn’t want you to buy them.  I wouldn’t have included Canada or
> India or Brazil on the list for this reason.
>
> -         The scenario you describe is entirely reasonable choice for
> this paper, but I’m curious about the phrase “it would involve a cooling
> rate of approximately 0.5°C per decade, more than twice as fast as current
> warming rates and enough to create obvious risks”.  Current rate of
> warming is close to +0.25C per decade, so increasing the amount of cooling
> by 0.5C per decade simply leaves the overall rate of change the same as it
> is now but with the opposite sign.  (So that a decade into deployment, the
> global mean temperature would be roughly what it had been a decade before
> deployment started.)  Given that most ecosystems (or human systems) won’t
> yet have adapted to temperatures at the start of deployment, I’d think it
> actually quite safe to assume that provided that an incremental use of SAI
> does indeed reduce risks in general, while it’s clear that there is some
> threshold that is too much, or too fast, that using enough to bring
> temperatures back towards something ecosystems (and people) are better
> adapted to would still reduce risks and be quite clearly below that unknown
> threshold.  Yet you write that this would create “obvious risks”… given
> that it isn’t obvious to me, it obviously isn’t obvious, so I’m curious
> what risks you were referring to.
>
>
>
> doug
>
>
>
> *From:* [email protected] <[email protected]> *On
> Behalf Of *Josh Horton
> *Sent:* Friday, April 25, 2025 8:16 AM
> *To:* geoengineering <[email protected]>
> *Subject:* [geo] New Paper on US, China, and Big Geoengineering
>
>
>
> Hi all,
>
>
>
> Check out my new paper with Wake Smith and David Keith on the US, China,
> and Big SRM:
>
>
>
> “Who Could Deploy Stratospheric Aerosol Injection? The United States,
> China, and Large-­ Scale, Rapid Planetary Cooling”
>
> *Stratospheric aerosol injection, which would reflect a small fraction of
> sunlight away from the Earth to lower temperatures, involves many
> unanswered questions. One of these is, who could deploy it? We consider
> this with reference to a scenario in which global temperatures are reduced
> by 1°C by midcentury; we term this a ‘PLUS’ deployment—Planetary, Large-­
> scale, Uninterrupted, and Speedy. The technical requirements of a PLUS
> deployment—a fleet of a hundred or more specialized air- craft—limit the
> number of capable actors to ten states. The geopolitical requirements
> broad-­ spectrum capabilities sufficient to overcome external
> constraints—mean that only the US and China are capable of implementing
> unilaterally against strong opposition. As such, the US and China will be
> decisive in determining whether and how a PLUS-­ type deployment takes
> place. In particular, the degree of Sino-­ American alignment on this issue
> will strongly influence the likelihood of a PLUS deployment and its
> disruptive potential. We examine three cases in which activities with the
> potential to harm global commons were debated during the Cold War:
> scientific research in Antarctica, atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons,
> and experiments in outer space. Backed by evidence from these cases, we
> then consider several implications of our findings.*
>
> Josh Horton
>
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