---------- Forwarded message ----------
 Calling A Spade...
By Solita Collas-Monsod A question of fairness

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*
*I have been accused by Mrs. Gloria V. Benedicto, the sister of presidential
candidate Manuel Villar, of being "unfair" to her brother. As far as I am
concerned, this is a very serious charge, because one of the tenets that
govern my behavior and my pursuits is fairness and justice -- dinned into my
head by my parents, in the same way that my husband and I have dinned it
into our children’s heads. Unfortunately, however, Mrs. Benedicto’s was a
blanket accusation, and she gave no details, so I have no recourse but to
examine, as it were, my conscience, insofar as my treatment of her brother
is concerned.*
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*
Was I being "unfair" to Manny Villar when I wrote (in a column for another
newspaper) that his C-5 Extension Project (for which he was found guilty of
unethical conduct by his peers) was not a realignment but a new project? I
shouldn’t think so. In fact, I was taking his side against his critics, who
said it was a realignment..



Was I being "unfair" to Manny Villar when I wrote that the Villar
landholdings in the immediate vicinity of the C-5 Extension (CX-5) and the
Las Piñas-Paranaque Link Project (LPPLP) road projects comprised between
50-52 hectares? I shouldn’t think so. That information was provided by one
of his top executives during the Senate investigation -- in fact I was very
careful to point out that it was not clear whether or not the 52 hectares
included 10 hectares of property that was being developed by the Villar
companies in joint venture with other property owners.



Was I being "unfair" to Manny Villar when I wrote that he was directly
involved in the CX-5 and the LPPLP road projects? I shouldn’t think so. The
bases for that statement were government documents such as the DPWH Project
Feasibility Study for CX-5 which explicitly stated that it was "initiated by
Sen. Manuel Villar whose same efforts also paved the way for the funding of
the Las Piñas Paranaque Link Road," and various insertions and amendments in
the national government budget made by Villar for the two projects between
2002 and 2008; and again, the testimony of the same top executive cited
above.



Was I being "unfair" to Manny Villar when I wrote that the answer to the
question whether there was overpricing of the Villar properties that were
bought for right-of-way purposes depended on the reader, because while the
Senate Report said yes, the Senate Resolution signed by Villar and his
Senate allies said no?



I shouldn’t think so. What I merely did was to calculate for the reader
(based on the Senate Report -- the Villar resolution contained no data) what
the average price paid for the properties -- P7, 168 for Villar’s, P1,880
for non-Villar.



Was I being "unfair" to Manny Villar when I showed on TV (in one of my
analyses) the map which allowed the viewer to compare the CX-5 road
alignment with the Manila Cavite Toll Expressway Project (MCTEP), which was
a BOT project with minimal government outlay?



I shouldn’t think so. First, the map showed that there was no realignment,
but two separate projects. And second, the map allowed the viewer to
understand what the controversy was all about. Besides, that map was already
on the gmanews.tv Web site.



Nevertheless, my TV bosses asked me to do a similar analysis on the
Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway (SCTEX) project, to give equal time, as it
were, to the critics of Noynoy Aquino, who were charging him with
intervening in the SCTEX project (presumably just like Villar on the CX-5
project) for his personal pecuniary benefits. And this I did.



The first step in my research on the project was to call up Cavite Rep.
Crispin "Boying" Remulla, who was spearheading the attack on Aquino over
this issue.



I had received four or five "Massacre Briefers" by e-mail from Remulla’s
office. The reason for the title "Massacre," according to Remulla’s e-mails,
was because the SCTEX "scandal" involves "slowly murdering the farmers of
Luisita by paying them starvation wages, limiting their workdays and the
area of the land they till."



Now, while the relationship between Luisita and its farmer/employees are an
issue which definitely merit discussion, my focus was on whether Noynoy
Aquino, had used his influence to get the SCTEX project approved, and had
profited from it at huge government expense -- as Villar had been found to
have done by his Senate peers.



Was I being "unfair" to Manny Villar by not zeroing in on the farmers of
Luisita and their treatment, fair or unfair, in regard to the Comprehensive
Agrarian Reform Program?



I shouldn’t think so. The Luisita problem goes all the way back to 1968,
when Aquino’s maternal grandfather allegedly reneged on one of the
conditions of the government loans he obtained in 1958 -- which was to
distribute the Luisita land to the farmer/workers within 10 years. In 1958,
Noynoy Aquino wasn’t even born. And in 1968, he was all of 8 years old.



It is kind of difficult to hold him responsible for what his grandfather
did. Plus, he is neither the majority owner -- he owns at most 2.2% -- nor
in the management of Luisita. It is kind of difficult to hold him
responsible for what he neither owns nor controls, nor manages.



But back to Boying Remulla.



When I talked to him over the phone, I asked him if he could give me the
computations/data/documents that would help substantiate the charges he
made, particularly the following (which I quoted from his e-mail): "The net
effect of Noynoy’s machination is that from its original cost of P18.7
billion in 1999, the SCTEX project cost was adjusted to P18.7 billion in
2003, to P21 billion in 2004, and by the time it got finished, the cost
ballooned to a whopping P32.808 billion, or double the original price."



Remulla answered: "I was misquoted."



Okay. So Noynoy had nothing to do with the ballooning of the SCTEX costs. I
then asked Remulla if he could give me some of the dates of meetings where,
and again, I quoted from his e-mailed Massacre Briefer # 4: "Noynoy made
sure he was present in most meetings related to the construction of SCTEX."



Remulla answered: "I was misquoted."



It takes talent to misquote yourself, and Boying Remulla was equal to the
challenge.



He did tell me that he was more interested in the Luisita /agrarian reform
angle, and I asked him to send me the documentation he had. He hasn’t sent
me any to this day.



But I had several phone conversations and meetings with the Bases Conversion
and Development Authority (BCDA) and with Nando Cojuangco, of Luisita. They
provided every document that I asked for.



The upshot of my research was that Noynoy Aquino had nothing to do with
SCTEX; that the SCTEX was precisely built to connect the three main
industrial areas of Clark, Subic, and Tarlac (which happened to be in
Luisita); that the Japanese investors in Luisita’s industrial estate were
the ones who pushed for the Japanese financing; that the payment for
Luisita’s road right of way was less than the payment for the road right of
way to other Tarlac property owners outside of Luisita; that the final SCTEX
alignment connecting Clark to Tarlac was shorter than the original
alignment, and did not enter the industrial estate as was originally
designed; and finally, that the interchange that Remulla made so much noise
about was not even a whole interchange (as was originally designed) but half
an interchange (one can enter Luisita if one is coming from Clark, but not
if one is coming from the North).



Was I "unfair" to Manny Villar in making these findings known? I shouldn’t
think so. You be the judge. In any case, after this examination of
conscience, I honestly don’t think any penance is indicated.


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Story Location: http://www.bworld.com.ph/main/content.php?id=10065

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