*June 28, 2010 ***
*Recession Warning <http://hussmanfunds.com/wmc/wmc100628.htm>
**
**John P. Hussman, Ph.D.
All rights reserved and actively enforced.*
Based on evidence that has *always *and *only *been observed during or
immediately prior to U.S. recessions, the U.S. economy appears headed into a
second leg of an unusually challenging downturn.

A few weeks ago, I noted that our recession warning composite was on the
brink of a signal that has always and only occurred during or immediately
prior to U.S. recessions, the last signal being the warning I reported in
the November 12, 2007 weekly comment Expecting A
Recession<http://hussmanfunds.com/wmc/wmc071112.htm>.
While the set of criteria I noted then would still require a decline in the
ISM Purchasing Managers Index to 54 or less to complete a recession warning,
what prompts my immediate concern is that the growth rate of the ECRI Weekly
Leading Index has now declined to -6.9%. The WLI growth rate has
historically demonstrated a strong correlation with the ISM Purchasing
Managers Index, with the correlation being highest at a lead time of 13
weeks.

Taking the growth rate of the WLI as a single indicator, the only instance
when a level of -6.9% was *not *associated with an actual recession was a
single observation in 1988. But as I've long noted, recession evidence is
best taken as a syndrome of multiple conditions, including the behavior of
the yield curve, credit spreads, stock prices, and employment growth. Given
that the WLI growth rate leads the PMI by about 13 weeks, I substituted the
WLI growth rate for the PMI criterion in condition 4 of our recession
warning composite. As you can see, the results are nearly identical, and not
surprisingly, are slightly more timely than using the PMI. The blue line
indicates recession warning signals from the composite of indicators, while
the red blocks indicate official U.S. recessions as identified by the
National Bureau of Economic Research.

The blue spike at the right of the graph indicates that the U.S. economy is
most probably either in, or immediately entering a second phase of
contraction. Of course, the evidence could be incorrect in this instance,
but the broader economic context provides no strong basis for ignoring the
present warning in the hope of a contrary outcome. Indeed, if anything,
credit conditions suggest that we should allow for outcomes that are more
challenging than we have typically observed in the post-war period.

Unthinkability is Not Evidence

One of the greatest risks to investors here is the temptation to form
investment expectations based on the behavior of the U.S. stock market and
economy over the past three or four decades. The credit strains and
deleveraging risks we currently observe are, from that context, wildly "out
of sample." To form valid expectations of how the economic and financial
situation is likely to resolve, it's necessary to consider data sets that
share similar characteristics. Fortunately, the U.S. has not observed a
systemic banking crisis of the recent magnitude since the Great Depression.
Unfortunately, that also means that we have to broaden our data set in ways
that investors currently don't seem to be contemplating.

On this front, perhaps the best single reference is a somewhat academic book
on economic history with the intentionally sardonic title, *This Time Is
Different*, by economists Kenneth Rogoff (Harvard) and Carmen Reinhart
(University of Maryland). The book presents lessons from a massive analysis
of world economic history, including recent data from industrialized
nations, as well as evidence dating to twelfth-century China and medieval
Europe. Reinhart and Rogoff observe that the outcomes of systemic credit
crises have shown an astonishing similarity both across different countries
and across different centuries. These lessons are not available to investors
who restrict their attention to the past three or four decades of U.S. data.

Reinhart and Rogoff observe that following systemic banking crises, the
duration of housing price declines has averaged roughly six years, while the
downturn in equity prices has averaged about 3.4 years. On average,
unemployment rises for almost 5 years. If we mark the beginning of this
crisis in early 2008 with the collapse of Bear Stearns, it seems rather
hopeful to view the March 2009 market low as a durable "V" bottom for the
stock market, and to expect a sustained economic expansion to happily pick
up where last year's massive dose of "stimulus" spending now trails off. The
average adjustment periods following major credit strains would place a
stock market low closer to mid-2011, a peak in unemployment near the end of
2012 and a trough in housing perhaps by 2014. Given currently elevated
equity valuations, widening credit spreads, deteriorating market internals,
and the rapidly increasing risk of fresh economic weakness, there is little
in the current data to rule out these extended time frames.

In recent months, I have finessed this issue by encouraging investors to
carefully examine their risk exposures. I'm not sure that finesse is helpful
any longer. The probabilities are becoming too high to use gentle wording.
Though I usually confine my views to statements about probability and
"average" behavior, this becomes fruitless when every outcome associated
with the data is negative, with no counterexamples. Put bluntly, I believe
that the economy is again turning lower, and that there is a reasonable
likelihood that the U.S. stock market will ultimately violate its March 2009
lows before the current adjustment cycle is complete. At present, the best
argument against this outcome is that it is unthinkable. Unfortunately, once
policy makers have squandered public confidence, the market does not care
whether the outcomes it produces are unthinkable. Unthinkability is not
evidence.

Moreover, from a valuation standpoint, a further market trough would not
even be "out of sample" in post-war data. Based on our standard valuation
methods, the S&P 500 Index would have to drop to about 500 to match
historical post-war points of secular undervaluation, such as June 1950,
September 1974, and July 1982. We do not have to contemplate outcomes such
as April 1932 (when the S&P 500 dropped to just 2.8 times its pre-Depression
earnings peak) to allow for the possibility of further market difficulty in
the coming years. Even strictly post-war data is sufficient to establish
that the lows we observed in March 2009 did not represent anything close to
generational undervaluation. We face real, structural economic problems that
will not go away easily, and it is important to avoid the delusion that the
average valuations typical of the recent bubble period represent sustainable
norms.

Our policy makers have spent their ammunition in the attempt to bail out
bondholders and to create an entirely deficit-financed appearance of
economic strength. It would be better to allow insolvent, non-sovereign debt
to default (*including *long-term Fannie and Freddie obligations, and
obligations to bank bondholders), and to instead use public funds to take
receivership of failing institutions and to defend customers and depositors
from the effects. Restructuring is probably a more useful word, but in any
case, the key element is that those who actually made the loans, not the
public, should absorb the loss. Restructuring means simply that the payment
terms are rewritten to reflect the lower amount that will delivered over
time. I can't emphasize this point often enough - "failure" of a financial
institution means only that the bondholders don't receive 100 cents on the
dollar plus interest. Failure is only a problem when it requires piecemeal
liquidation, as occurred in the case of Lehman. This is not necessary when
appropriate regulators can take receivership of insolvent bank and non-bank
institutions (as the new financial regulatory bill now provides).

My greatest concern is that these new receivership powers will not be
implemented because the Fed and the Treasury are both in bed with major Wall
Street and banking institutions. Yet there is no effective alternative.
Having squandered trillions in an empty confidence-building exercise, it
will be nearly impossible for those same policies to build confidence again
in the increasingly likely event that the economy turns lower and defaults
pick up again. The best approach will still be to allow bad debt to go bad,
let the bondholders lose, and defend the customers by taking whole-bank
receivership (as the FDIC does seamlessly nearly every week with failing
institutions). Almost undoubtedly, however, our policy makers will choose to
defend bondholders again, pushing our government debt to a level that is so
untenably high that little recourse will remain but to suppress the real
obligation through long-term inflation (though as noted below, the *near-term
*effects of credit crises are almost invariably deflationary at first).

Though Reinhart and Rogoff published *This Time is Different* in early 2009,
extending the analysis they provided in a January 2008 NBER working paper
(13761), the book accurately foreshadowed the recent debt crisis in European
countries, noting "As of this writing, it remains to be seen whether the
global surge in financial sector turbulence will lead to a similar outcome
in the sovereign default cycle. The precedent, however, appears discouraging
on that score. A sharp rise in sovereign defaults in the current global
financial environment would hardly be surprising."

It is interesting that despite the apparent stabilization of the Euro in
recent weeks, the stabilization more reflects sudden concerns about the U.S.
dollar than improvement of European debt conditions. Notice that relative to
the Swiss Franc, for example, the Euro continues to plunge to fresh lows.

Deflation, Inflation

Reinhart and Rogoff observe that "the aftermath of systemic banking crises
involves a protracted and pronounced contraction in economic activity and
puts significant strains on government resources. Banking crises almost
invariably lead to sharp declines in tax revenues as well as significant
increases in government spending. On average, government debt rises by 86
percent during the three years following a banking crisis.

"Banking crises in advanced economies significantly drag down world growth.
The slowing, or outright contraction, of economic activity tends to hit
exports especially hard. Weakening global growth has historically been
associated with declining world commodity prices. These reduce the export
earnings of primary commodity producers and, accordingly, their ability to
service debt."

>From an inflation standpoint, is important to recognize the distinction
between what occurs during a credit crisis and what occurs afterward. Credit
strains typically create a nearly frantic demand for government liabilities
that are considered default-free (even if they are subject to inflation
risk). This raises the marginal utility of government liabilities relative
to the marginal utility of goods and services. That's an economist's way of
saying that interest rates drop and deflation pressures take hold. Commodity
price declines are also common, which is a word of caution to investors
accumulating gold here, who may experience a roller-coaster shortly. Over
the short-term, very large quantities of money and government debt can be
created with seemingly no ill effects. It's typically several years after
the crisis that those liabilities lose value, ultimately at a very rapid
pace.

Reinhart and Rogoff continue, "Episodes of treacherously high inflation are
another recurrent theme. Indeed, there is a very strong parallel between our
proposition that few countries have avoided serial default on external debt
and the proposition that few countries have avoided serial bouts of high
inflation. Even the United States has a checkered history. Governments can
default on domestic debt through high and unanticipated inflation, as the
United States and many European countries famously did in the 1970's.

"Early on across the world, the main device for defaulting on government
obligations was that of debasing the content of the coinage. Modern currency
presses are just a technologically advanced and more efficient approach to
achieving the same end. In many important episodes, domestic debt has been a
major factor in a government's incentive to allow inflation, if not indeed
the dominant one. If a global surge in banking crises indicates a likely
rise in sovereign defaults, it may also signal a potential rise in the share
of countries experiencing high inflation. Inflation has long been the weapon
of choice in sovereign defaults on domestic debt and, where possible, on
international debt."

Commenting on why last year's massive interventions may not have addressed
global problems, economist David Rosenberg of Gluskin-Sheff aptly observes -
"It's about bad short-term decisions over good long-term solutions, which is
burying the world. While U.S. banks have recapitalized themselves and
written off debt, this cycle has been dominated by governments socializing
the losses and taking the bad debts from the private sector and transferring
the liabilities to the public sector balance sheets. We now have a global
debt problem and in order to deal with it we must understand the magnitude.
Even with low interest rates, the massive debt bulge in the U.S. has become
so large that interest charges on the public debt are within a decade of
absorbing over 30% of the revenue base, which then makes it that much
tougher to reverse course. When you add up the entitlement programs, what we
have is 65% of total government spending that can't be touched. In the next
few years, under *status quo *policies, this 'mandatory' share of the
spending pie goes to 72%."

In short, my concerns about the economy and financial markets are escalating
quickly. Given the already vulnerable condition of the U.S. economy, a
second phase of weakness would most likely contribute to already troubling
levels of mortgage delinquency and foreclosure, and could be expected to
push the unemployment rate toward 12%. It is not useful to rule out
unfavorable outcomes simply because they seem unpleasant or unthinkable. It
is also not useful to place superstitious hope in the Fed and the Treasury
to fix the consequences of irresponsible lending without any ill effect. In
the coming quarters, remember that every time you hear an incomprehensibly
large bailout commitment from government, it will equate to an
unconscionably large extraction of public resources, possibly through overt
taxation, but more likely through the long-term destruction of purchasing
power.

Fannie, Freddie, and the delusion of uniform quality

While the Treasury's quiet extension of 3-year bailout funding for the GSEs
was not part of Congressional intent, the word I've received is that
representatives believe it was legal, but only because of a loophole that
would have required explicit Congressional approval had the Treasury made
the same announcement a week later. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac remain
responsible for about 3 out of 4 outstanding U.S. mortgages. The way the
bailout money is being used is that, for example, Fannie Mae is purchasing
all mortgage loans in its MBS pools that are delinquent by more than four
months. It effectively pays off the full mortgage balance on those homes,
retires a portion of outstanding mortgage backed securities, and takes
ownership of the collateral. Of course, none of those homes can be
liquidated at anything close to their outstanding mortgage balances, but
that's the deal that Fannie and Freddie made in return for a negligible
insurance premium (G-fee), and that Tim Geithner graciously stands behind on
behalf of the public. Accordingly, Fannie and Freddie are already sitting on
160,000 foreclosed homes, with losses escalating at public expense. Edward
DeMarco, who oversees the government's conservation of Fannie and Freddie,
observes "we cannot do this indefinitely."

While our Treasury's magnanimous generosity ensures that Fannie and Freddie
obligations maturing through 2012 will be paid in full, if at public
expense, it is clear that longer-term GSE obligations should not be viewed
as sovereign debt. GSE obligations with maturities beyond 2012 are the
obligations of insolvent institutions, not of the U.S. government. As such,
the collateral behind these obligations should emphatically not be
considered of uniform credit quality. It follows that many of Fannie and
Freddie's long-term securities should carry junk status. The disastrously
misleading rating of subprime debt pales in comparison to the current
practice of rating longer-term GSE debt as investment grade.

In my opinion, Congress should make this distinction clear sooner rather
than later, and let the market price this debt accordingly. The problem, of
course, is that the Fed also owns $1.5 trillion of these obligations, which
is a travesty of judgment and an abuse of public trust. Regardless, to the
extent that the Fed takes losses, it will provide useful discipline on the
Fed itself, which it profoundly lacks. At this point, the public will take a
loss on Fed-held GSE debt in any event, either through direct default or
equivalent bailout cost to the Treasury. Actual losses in market value would
be more transparent, and might even prompt the appropriate resignation of
Ben Bernanke.

If the public has an interest in promoting home ownership, it should not be
by slapping cheap insurance on wildly heterogeneous credit risks, with no
residual risk to the mortgage originator. It certainly should not be through
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, both of which have been disastrously managed.
This is not a surprise - it has been clear for nearly a decade that these
institutions have operated with far too much risk and far too generous
assumptions about the impossibility of default and risk mismatches. Even in
2002, the GSEs were producing large duration mismatches that threatened
their solvency to a much greater extent that investors understood, which is
one of the reasons I noted in January of that year " I don't even *understand
*why Fannie Mae trades at all." Except for a note or two suggesting that my
view was preposterous, nobody cared. But one can only play balance sheet
roulette for so long. Fannie and Freddie became penny stocks about a week
ago as it was announced that they would be delisted.

It may grease the skids of capitalism for investors to treat all GSE
securities as homogeneous, and all credit risk as being perfectly described
by a letter of the alphabet. The wheels of Wall Street are constantly
churning to create credit default swaps and payment guarantees to make
investors believe that no thought is required of them other than to hand
over their money. But this belief in uniform quality is a delusion. The
institutions that provided these guarantees were at far more risk than
investors understood, which is why AIG, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac were the
first to go down, and why the U.S. public is paying hundreds of billions to
make sure that bondholders get a good deal despite the failure of the
underlying collateral.

As Bill Hester notes in his latest research piece The Great
Divergence<http://hussmanfunds.com/rsi/greatdivergence.htm>(additional
link below), it is also a mistake to view international debt and
equity to be of uniform quality. Distinctions and selectivity among
investments will most probably be increasingly important as we move through
the coming years.

Market Climate

As of last week, the Market Climate for stocks remained characterized by
unfavorable valuations and unfavorable market action - a combination that
has been unfortunately frequent over the past decade, but has historically
occurred only about 25% of the time. A natural consequence of the frequency
of this particular Climate over the past decade is that the S&P 500 has
delivered a negative total return over this period. This outcome underscores
the fact that market outcomes *on average *do vary with valuations and
market action. But it also reflects an economy that has constantly
misallocated resources because we have embraced quick fixes, bailouts,
speculation, cheap money, and quarterly operating earnings, rather than
careful risk assessment and a focus on long-term solvency and properly
discounted cash flows. Frankly, if one good thing comes out of the recent
(and likely continuing) trouble, it will be revulsion toward "playing" the
market as if it is some sort of carnival.

The Strategic Growth Fund is fully hedged here. In this position, the
primary source of day-to-day fluctuations in Fund value is the difference
between the stocks owned by the Fund and the indices we use to hedge.

In bonds, the Market Climate last week was characterized by moderately
unfavorable yield levels and favorable yield pressures. Credit spreads
continue to widen, and we've observed a flattening of the yield curve due to
a flight-to-safety in default free instruments. This may seem like an odd
outcome, given that the growing issuance of Treasury and Fed liabilities is
gradually setting us up for a difficult inflationary period beginning in the
second half of this decade, but it is a strong regularity that
"default-free" beats "inflation prone" during periods of crisis. For that
same reason, we have to be careful about concluding that the growth of
government liabilities will quickly translate into continued appreciation in
precious metals and other commodities. Again, the historical regularity is
for commodities to decline, though with a lag, once credit difficulties
emerge. My weekly comments on this front might be less redundant if there
were more subtlety to the issue, but it is subtle enough to recognize that
the long-term inflationary implications of current monetary and fiscal
policies will not necessarily translate into negative short-term outcomes
for the Treasury market, nor persistently positive short-term outcomes for
commodities.


-- 
Best Regards,
Jay Shah, FRM

"Expect The Unexpected"
Blog: http://fuzylogix.blogspot.com/

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