From: "PEDRO MASCARENHAS" <[email protected]>
To: [email protected]
Subject: Re: [GRN] April 25, 1974: It all started in India (Goa) and ended in Lisbon
My article focuses solely and exclusively on the military fighting on the battlefield, in the jungle. What the soldiers felt in the face of daily difficulties, deaths, injuries, poor food, etc., their dissatisfactions and fears.
While the pro-Salazar politicians and generals in the cities lived very well and felt comfortable.
1 - The soldiers without ideal conditions in Goa were humiliated with an expected defeat (19/12/1961) . Here begins the hatred of the military against the fascist regime.
2 - Then follows a long and hard guerrilla war in Africa, where at least 3 soldiers died every day. It was an unequal and endless struggle. Here hatred grows even more against the regime.
3 - Othelo's revolt has nothing to do with its origin. He never referenced his Indian origin. The Portuguese are not obsessed with ancestors, whether Chinese, African or Indian.
O meu artigo foca unica e exclusivamente nos militares lutando no campo de batalha, na selva. Aquilo que os soldados sentiam perante as dificuldades diárias, as mortes, os feridos, má alimentação, etc., da suas insatisfações e receios.
Enquanto os políticos e generais pro-Salazar nas cidades viviam muito bem e se sentiam confortaveis.
1 - Os militares sem condições ideias em Goa foram humilhados com uma derrota esperada (19/12/1961) . Começa aqui o ódio dos militares contra o regime fascista.
2 - Segue-se depois uma longa e dura guerra de gurrilha em África, onde morriam, por dia pelo menos 3 soldados. Era uma luta desigual e sem fim. Aqui o ódio aumenta ainda mais contra o regime.
3 - A revolta do Otelo não tem nada a ver com a sua origem. Ele nunca referenciou a sua origem indiana. Os portugueses não estão obsecados com os antepassados, se chinês, africano ou indiano.
Just three questions here:(1) Since the war for independence/Portuguese colonial war in Africa began in February 1961, what does this imply as far as the timeline? Also, the following reminiscences suggest that Africa was also pushing India on this score:QUOTE In October 1961, Nehru, through the Indian Council for Africa, summoned in New Delhi a Seminar on the Problems of the Portuguese Colonies. When it ended, in Bombay, a big demonstration took place. Marcelino dos Santos remembers:While summoning that great meeting of all the movements of national liberation of the Portuguese colonies, we thought that Nehru was against us. I do not know whether he invited Timor, in any case Timor did not turn up.We had everything well structured, we had studied all the questions and answers, I was going as the leader.Nehru asked us: “What do you want me to do for you?”And I answered as planned: “We want you to do that which you should do for yourself. Liberate Goa”.Nehru had the fame of being Gandhian. But we were always highly respectful and delicate with him. We were happy to have been invited. We were proud of our daring and our art. UNQUOTE --Battles Won, Lasting Dreams: Aquino de Bragança: The Man and His Times. (Goa,1556: 2011)(2) What was the impact of the Cold War of those times on this issue, and how it shaped up? I agree, this is a long and complex issue to discuss in a email, but can we afford to overlook that?(3) Lastly, what were the Goan connections or roots if any of Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho? There are references in remote corners of cyberspace regarding this, but hardly anyone seems to be mentioning it.Thanks in advance, FNOn Tue, 25 Apr 2023 at 15:31, 'Pedro Mascarenhas' via Goa-Research-Net <[email protected]> wrote:......in English and PortugueseApril 25, 1974: It all started in India - Goa and ended in Lisbon
To whom to attribute the paternity of the 25th of April in Portugal?
The roots of the "coup d'etat"! Was it a "spontaneous manifestation or triggered by someone? Regarding the military revolution that took place in Portugal on April 25, 1974, 49 years ago, some historians and political commentators believe that the idea began to germinate on December 19, 1961 in Goa, India, when the Portuguese military forces surrendered, generating deep discomfort among officers of all branches. It was the cause and the first stone of the colonial domino to fall. The other four would fall later : Mozambique, Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Portugal.
The subterfuges that the dictatorial regime performed in the so-called estado da India portuguesa harmed the military, that is, the reduction of personnel; the quality of armament and obsolete; Salazar's express orders not to surrender by imposing a useless sacrifice on them; the delay in repatriating them after detention; the humiliating way in which the soldiers were received at Cais da Rocha Conde de Óbidos in Lisbon, under the threat of weapons, as if the humiliation of defeat were not enough; the disembarkation of General Vassalo e Silva (the governor-general who opted for the white flag of unconditional surrender) at Lisbon airport on May 16, 1962, in a terminal with the lights off; the stubbornness in not dialoguing with Indian politicians to save face; all these mistakes ruined the prestige of the military.
The most lucid officers who passed through the Military Academy became aware that they were treated like objects, like chess pieces manipulated by a single player called Salazar, although sometimes, certain ministers, such as Adriano Moreira (colonies) or Franco Nogueira (foreign affairs) were allowed to execute one or another random move.
Then followed the second cause (and this time fatal), that is, the war in Africa, which lasted 14 years (1961/75) and was very exhausting. While Washington was facing a Vietnam, Lisbon's cross-eyed vision was focused, simultaneously, on three Vietnams.
The strategy in general and the tactics in the details, in the dense mantle of the tropical forest, outlined by the African liberation movements and mainly by FRELIMO (Mozambique) and PAIGC (Guinea and Cape Verde) were precise, surgical, overwhelming, cunning, forcing the Portuguese troops to unfold in complex, strenuous, unproductive, treacherous and relentless work. The willful African guerrilla was in his land, in his element, he knew where he was and what he was doing, despite heavy casualties, especially among the native civilian population, for lack of heavy war material on their part. The compulsive Portuguese sweated in the torrid heat, burned with high fevers in the mosquito jungle, vomited on the rugged savannahs, was greatly affected by psychological distress, and was highly unmotivated. And above all, he shed blood. Far from his homeland, in that colony of chicken cafreal or piri-piri, at mealtimes in the barracks canteen in front of “once more beans with beans”, he dreamed of cod fish and Portuguese stew. What was he defending, …colonies in the 20th century? All this and much more led him to utter frustration and dissatisfaction.
It was estimated at 8,000 deaths, but Pedro Marquês de Sousa, lieutenant colonel of the Army, the investigator and also a professor at the Military Academy, after intense research, he reached much heavier numbers: almost 10,500 soldiers died and more than 30,000 were injured. This information is compiled in the book "The Numbers of the African War"
In summary: The defeat in India, the great unstoppable tide of African guerrilla warfare, the anti-colonialist storms in international forums, the attack by white extremists on the officers' mess in the city of Beira (Mozambique), the first outbreaks in the barracks in Lisbon, the proclamation of the independence of Guinea-Bissau in Madina de Boé in 1973, and, finally, the publication of “Portugal e o Futuro”, the book by general Spínola, were the factors, among others, that catapulted the troops to the “now or never”. For an impartial observer, those who fought a lot during 14 years against the Salazar dictatorship were the African nationalists and the captains of Abril only appeared in the final phase taking advantage of the efforts of others. Didn't Salazar claim that Portugal of all colors went from Minho to Timor? Well, the «black Portuguese» revolted in 1961 and fought until 1974. And in that last year, the «white Portuguese» appeared in the capital of the empire with the chaimite ( armored vehicle) and the rest is history.
If the oppressed had remained with their arms crossed in a peaceful attitude, apathetic, mute as stones, if it weren't for the colonial war, Portugal (dictatorship) the "last domino stone" would not have fallen. Samora Machel, the guerrilla fighter and the first President of the People's Republic of Mozambique, said at a rally in central Mozambique: - “We never fought against the Portuguese people, our fight was against Portuguese colonialism. Comrades! We, also, freed the people of Portugal.” The African guerrilla is the father of democracy in Portugal. The movement of the Portuguese captains, the stepfather.
The imaginary Velho do Restelo was absolutely right who, at the moment of Vasco da Gama's fleet leaving the Tagus, reproached the commander, asking him “What new disasters do you determine / Taking these kingdoms and these people / What dangers, what deaths do you intend for them” (Camões *). In fact, the Portuguese would be stripping their own house, and chasing a chimera in the distance.
Pedro Mascarenhas
25/04/2023
* Luis de Camões, Portugal’s great national poet, author of the epic poem Os Lusíadas (1572), which describes Vasco da Gama discovery of the sea route to India.
the chaimite ( armored vehicle) in Lisbon----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Portuguese:A quem atribuir a paternidade do 25 de abril em Portugal?
As raízes do "coup d'etat"! Foi uma sublevação espontânea ou um ato forçado por alguém? A propósito do golpe de estado militar ocorrido em Portugal no dia 25 de abril de 1974, e que agora completa 49 anos, alguns historiadores e comentadores políticos creem que a ideia começou a ser germinado no dia 19 de dezembro de 1961 na Índia, quando as forças militares portuguesas se renderam gerando um profundo mal-estar entre os oficiais de todos os ramos. Foi a primeira pedra do dominó colonial a tombar e a primeira longínqua causa do golpe. As outras quatro cairiam mais tarde: Moçambique, Angola, Guiné-Bissau e Portugal.
Os subterfúgios que o regime ditatorial utilizou no pomposamente chamado “estado da Índia portuguesa” prejudicaram a reputação dos militares, ou seja, a redução dos efetivos; a qualidade de armamento, já em si obsoleto; as ordens expressas de Salazar para não se renderem, impondo-lhes um sacrifício inútil ; a demora em repatriá-los após a detenção; o modo humilhante como os soldados foram recebidos no Cais da Rocha Conde de Óbidos em Lisboa, sob a ameaça das armas, como se não bastasse a humilhação da derrota; o desembarque do general Vassalo e Silva ( o governador-geral que optou pela bandeira branca da rendição incondicional ) no aeroporto de Lisboa no dia 16 de Maio de 1962, num terminal com as luzes apagadas; a teimosia em não dialogar com os políticos indianos para salvar as aparências; todos estes equívocos arruinaram o prestígio dos militares.
Os oficiais mais lúcidos que passaram pela Academia Militar tomaram consciência de que foram tratados como objetos, como peças de xadrez manipulados por um único jogador chamado Salazar, embora por vezes, a certos ministros, como Adriano Moreira (colónias) ou Franco Nogueira (negócios estrangeiros) fosse permitido executar um ou outro lance fortuito.
Seguiu-se depois a segunda causa (e, desta vez fatal), isto é, a guerra em África, longa de 14 anos (1961/75) e muito desgastante. Enquanto Washington enfrentava um Vietname, os olhos vesgos de Lisboa recaíam, simultaneamente, sobre três Vietnames.
A estratégia em geral e as táticas nos pormenores, no denso manto da floresta tropical, delineadas pelos movimentos de libertação e principalmente pela FRELIMO (Moçambique) e PAIGC (Guiné e Cabo Verde) foram precisas, cirúrgicas, avassaladoras, ardilosas, obrigando as tropas portuguesas a desdobrarem-se em trabalhos complexos, extenuantes, improdutivos, traiçoeiros e sem tréguas. O guerrilheiro africano voluntarioso estava na sua terra, no seu elemento, sabia onde estava e o que fazia, trazia consigo a força da raiva contra o racismo, a injustiça e a exploração. Era considerado de raça inferior pelo colono. É verdade que sofreu grandes baixas, sobretudo entre a população civil nativa, por falta de material bélico pesado da sua parte. Por seu lado, o português fardado e compulsivo suava no calor tórrido, ardia de febres altas na selva dos mosquitos, vomitava nas savanas acidentadas, martirizava-se afetado pelo sofrimento psicológico e estava altamente desmotivado. E, sobretudo, derramava sangue em território alheio. Longe da sua terra, naquela colónia do frango à cafreal ou piri-piri, à hora das refeições na cantina do quartel perante o “mais uma vez o feijão com feijão”, sonhava com o bacalhau e o cozido à portuguesa. Os ouvidos à noite sem luar captavam longínquas batucadas assustadoras ao mesmo tempo que almejava o rock do Elvis Presley, os viras do Minho e fados ainda que tristes.
Estava a defender o quê, …colónias, em pleno século XX? Tudo isso e muito mais levou-o à frustração e insatisfação total.
Estimava-se em 8.000 mortes, mas Pedro Marquês de Sousa, tenente-coronel do Exército, o investigador e também professor na Academia Militar depois de muito trabalho de pesquisa chegou a números bem mais pesados: morreram quase 10.500 militares e ficaram feridos mais de 30.000. Essas informações estão compiladas no livro "Os Números da Guerra de África”
Em resumo: A derrota na Índia, a grande maré imparável da guerrilha africana, as tempestades anticolonialistas nos fóruns internacionais, o ataque dos brancos extremistas à messe dos oficiais na cidade da Beira (Moçambique), os primeiros rebentamentos nos quartéis na dita metrópole, a proclamação da independência da Guiné em Madina de Boé em 1973, e, finalmente, a publicação de Portugal e o Futuro, o livro de Spínola, foram os fatores que, entre outros, catapultaram a tropa para o “agora ou nunca”. Para um observador imparcial quem mais lutou durante 14 anos contra a ditadura salazarista foram os nacionalistas africanos e os capitães do abril só apareceram na fase final tirando proveito do esforço alheio. Não afirmava Salazar que Portugal de todas as cores ia do Minho a Timor? Pois bem, os «portugueses morenos» revoltaram-se em 1961 e lutaram até 1974. E nesse último ano, os «portugueses claros» mostraram-se na capital do império com os blindados chaimite e o resto é história.
Se os oprimidos tivessem ficado de braços cruzados em atitude pacífica, apáticos, mudos como as pedras, se não fosse a guerra colonial, Portugal (ditadura) a "última pedra de dominó " não teria caído. Samora Machel, o guerrilheiro, que viria a ser o primeiro Presidente da República Popular de Moçambique num comício no centro de Moçambique disse: - “Nunca lutamos contra o povo português, a nossa luta foi contra o colonialismo português. Camaradas! Nós, também, libertamos o povo de Portugal.”
A guerrilha africana, é o pai da democracia em Portugal. O movimento dos capitães portugueses, o padrasto.
Tinha toda a razão o imaginário Velho do Restelo que no momento da partida do Tejo da armada de Vasco da Gama censurou o comandante, perguntando-lhe “A que novos desastres determinas /De levar estes reinos e esta gente / Que perigos, que mortes lhe destinas” (Camões). Na verdade, os portugueses, estariam a desguarnecer a sua própria casa, perseguindo, lá longe, uma quimera.Pedro Mascarenhas
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