Related to Goa? If so, some pointers please. FN

On Tue, 27 Jan 2026 at 13:02, sandra lobo <[email protected]> wrote:

> There are many multidisciplinary studies in English and Portuguese being
> published that express such pluralistic complexifying perspectives.
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------
> *De:* 'Shubha Chaudhuri' via Goa-Research-Net <
> [email protected]>
> *Enviado:* 27 de janeiro de 2026 04:59
> *Para:* [email protected] <
> [email protected]>
> *Assunto:* Re: [GRN] Read: Deconstructing Nationalist Historiography of
> Goa
>
> Are there any such works ? A pluralistic view ? It would be so welcome.
>
> Yahoo Mail: Search, organise, conquer
> <https://mail.onelink.me/107872968?pid=nativeplacement&c=US_Acquisition_YMktg_315_SearchOrgConquer_EmailSignature&af_sub1=Acquisition&af_sub2=US_YMktg&af_sub3=&af_sub4=100002039&af_sub5=C01_Email_Static_&af_ios_store_cpp=0c38e4b0-a27e-40f9-a211-f4e2de32ab91&af_android_url=https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.yahoo.mobile.client.android.mail&listing=search_organize_conquer>
>
> On Mon, 26 Jan 2026 at 7:30 pm, Vivek Pinto
> <[email protected]> wrote:
>
>
> By: Rev. Fr. (Dr.) Victor Ferrao [ Rev. (Dr.) Victor Ferrao holds a
> Doctorate in Philosophy of Science with specialization in Science Religion
> Dialogue from the Philosophy Department of Jnana-Deepa Vidyapeeth, Pune]
> Published in: *Think Goa, Goans, Goaness*
> Date: January 25, 2026
> Source:
> https://www.jnanamrit.com/2026/01/25/deconstructing-nationalist-historiography-of-goa/
>
> Goa’s history is frequently told through a dramatic arc: Portuguese
> conquest in 1510 followed by four and a half centuries of colonial rule,
> ending with integration into India in 1961. This dominant nationalist
> narrative casts Goa as a long-suffering territory that was finally
> “liberated” and returned to its rightful place within the Indian nation.
> Yet this telling often resembles a spiritualist biography, an idealized,
> almost hagiographic account that elevates heroic figures, celebrates a
> supposed pre-colonial golden age, and frames the entire colonial period as
> an unnatural interruption of an authentic Indian destiny.
>
> Such accounts reduce Goans to passive objects caught in a “dark history”
> of foreign domination. They present the people of Goa less as historical
> agents and more as victims caught in the waiting room of history awaiting
> national redemption. This article argues for moving beyond these
> nationalist meta-narratives—narratives heavily inflected with religious
> meaning—and toward histories that recognize distributed agency: Goans as
> active participants who made choices, collaborated, resisted, adapted, and
> sometimes profited within the structures they inhabited. Victimhood
> stories, while emotionally powerful, must be replaced by accounts that
> accept collective responsibility for both the bright and shadowed aspects
> of the past.
>
> The Nationalist Meta-Narrative as Spiritual Biography
>
> In many nationalist retellings, Goa itself becomes a spiritual entity—an
> ancient land with deep civilizational roots that was temporarily alienated
> from Bharat by an alien power. The Portuguese era is portrayed as a long
> night of denationalization, cultural suppression, and religious coercion
> from which Goa was ultimately rescued in 1961. Figures who advocated for
> integration are frequently canonized as founding fathers of Goan
> nationalism, their lives narrated almost as journeys of awakening and
> sacrifice.
>
> This framing serves a clear teleological purpose: it makes the post-1961
> present appear as the natural and morally correct outcome of history. The
> pre-Portuguese past is romanticized, often with strong Hindu civilizational
> overtones, while the Indo-Portuguese centuries are flattened into a single
> story of oppression and resistance. The result is a highly selective
> biography of the territory rather than a social history of its people.
>
> This spiritualized narrative tends to erase the profound hybridity that
> actually characterized Goan society. Over generations, Goans created
> distinctive forms of language, architecture, cuisine, music, dress, and
> religious practice that cannot be reduced to either “Indian” or
> “Portuguese” labels. Yet nationalist historiography frequently downplays or
> delegitimizes these syncretic realities in favor of an imagined purer
> origin.
>
> Religion as the Hidden Engine of Nationalist History-writing
>
> A second major distortion arises from the entanglement of nationalist
> history with religious identity politics—particularly the project of
> constructing a continuity Hindu civilizational. In this lens, the
> Portuguese period is remembered almost exclusively for conversions, the
> destruction of temples, and the activities of the Inquisition. These were
> undoubtedly violent and coercive episodes. However, the selective emphasis
> on them often serves a contemporary political purpose: to position Goan
> Catholics as people who must be “re-Hinduized” or at least reminded of
> their supposed original civilizational belonging.
>
> This religious framing produces a stark binary: indigenous Hindu culture
> versus alien Christian imposition. It marginalizes the lived experience of
> Goan Catholics, who developed their own distinctive forms of Christianity
> deeply rooted in local language, landscape, and social structures. It also
> obscures the fact that caste hierarchies, landlordism, and exclusionary
> practices persisted strongly across religious lines throughout the colonial
> centuries and beyond.
>
> When history is written primarily to serve religious-nationalist
> mobilization, it becomes difficult to acknowledge complexity: moments of
> collaboration between Goan elites and colonial authorities, periods of
> mutual cultural influence, or the active role played by some Goans in
> sustaining colonial institutions for reasons of social mobility, economic
> advantage, or simple survival.
>
> Distributed Agency: Goans as Historical Actors, Not Objects
>
> A more honest historiography begins by distributing historical agency
> across Goan society rather than concentrating it in the hands of either
> Portuguese rulers or later nationalist heroes.
>
> Goans were never merely passive recipients of colonial policy. Some
> resisted openly through rebellions, petitions, and intellectual critique.
> Others negotiated within the system—gaining education, entering the
> professions, acquiring land titles, or rising within the church hierarchy.
> Still others collaborated for reasons of pragmatism, ambition, or belief.
> Lower-caste and Indigenous communities often developed their own survival
> strategies, forms of everyday resistance, and alternative religious
> expressions that official chronicles rarely recorded.
>
> Women, too, were historical actors whether as maintainers of household
> economies, participants in market networks, quiet dissenters within
> families, or, in later periods, active contributors to anti-colonial
> organizations. Even the much-mythologized Goan diaspora did not simply flee
> or passively await return; its members actively shaped transnational
> networks of ideas, capital, and identity.
>
> Recognizing this distributed agency dismantles the comforting but
> misleading image of a homogeneous, uniformly victimized population. It
> replaces the passive object with the active subject.
>
> From Victimhood to Responsibility
>
> Victimhood narratives have emotional and political utility: they create
> solidarity, justify claims for redress, and provide moral clarity. Yet they
> also carry costs. When a society defines itself primarily through what was
> done to it, it risks absolving itself of responsibility for what it did.
>
> In Goa’s case, responsibility includes uncomfortable truths:
>
> 1. Some Goans participated in the mechanisms of conversion and cultural
> policing, whether for social advancement or under coercion.
> 2. Upper-caste Hindus and Christians alike often collaborated in
> maintaining exploitative agrarian structures.3. Communal tensions, caste
> discrimination, and exclusionary practices were reproduced within Goan
> society across religious lines.
> 4. Internal hierarchies and inequalities were not solely imported; they
> were also locally sustained and adapted.
>
> Accepting these shades does not cancel the real suffering inflicted by
> colonial violence, conversion separation, cultural erasure campaigns, or
> economic exploitation. It simply refuses to externalize every failing onto
> an outside enemy. A mature historical consciousness holds both truths
> simultaneously: the damage done to Goans and the damage done by Goans.
>
> Toward a Plural, Responsible Goan History
>
> Nationalist historiography, especially when cast in spiritual-biographical
> form, offers comfort and coherence at the price of simplification and
> exclusion. It flattens Goans into symbols rather than treating them as full
> historical subjects. It often serves contemporary religious and political
> projects more than it illuminates the past.
>
> Let humbly offer a richer approach:
>
> 1. Center the plurality of Goan voices and experiences rather than a
> single teleological storyline.2. Cultural hybridity as a creative
> achievement rather than a symptom of alienation.
> Distribute agency across classes, castes, genders, religions, and regions.
> 4. Replace narratives of pure victimhood with narratives of complex,
> morally ambiguous agency.
> 5. Accept collective responsibility for both the luminous and shadowed
> parts of the Goan past.
>
> Only through such a reckoning can Goans claim full authorship of their
> history not as objects of someone else’s dark chapter, but as co-authors of
> a complicated, living story that continues to unfold.
>
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