SELECTED WORKS OF JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
Volume 28
(February 1- May 31, 1955)
Page 300
Policy Towards Goa (1)
Jawaharlal Nehru: ...Well, broadly speaking, you know our policy with regard
to Goa. Goa belongs to India geographically and in every way, and inevitably it
must become part of the Indian Union. The whole question is: How can this be
brought about; According to our broad policy in regard to all such questions we
seek to bring about a solution peacefully and by negotiation. It is patent and
it does not require an argument that when this vast land of India became free
and the British power had to yield, it is absurd from any point of view to
expect India to tolerate any bits of foreign territory. Fortunately we came to
a friendly settlement with the French with regard first to Chandemagore and
then Pondicherry, etc.
In Goa the Portuguese authorities have been not only non-cooperative but
something much worse. Now some people wonder and ask us: Why do you tolerate
this kind of thing? Are you not strong enough obviously. That does not require
proof, and it is not right for anyone to suggest that we are afraid in the
circumstances. I do not say that we have been heroic always but it is quite
absurd to say in connection with Goa that we are afraid.
We are afraid of one thing, that is, of following a policy which is not in
keeping with our larger policies, with our objectives, with our methods. We
attach great importance to the basic principles governing our policy,
international policies especially. We have gained some credit in the world for
following those basic principles, and we do not wish to be hustled or hurried
into forgetting and bypassing those principles that govern our foreign policy
everywhere. Naturally in a changing situation as in Goa, one has to adapt that
basic policy from time to time to a changing situation.
But the basic policy must remain, as otherwise, we stand discredited in our own
eyes, because we have talked in one way, and acted in another. That is not the
reputation India has achieved in these past years. Therefore our policy will be
adapted from time to time, but basically it will be a peaceful policy, a policy
where the door is always open for peaceful negotiation and settlement, even
though the Portuguese do not behave correctly as they don't. It is open to us
to take many measures within that ambit of peace. We have taken some measures;
we may take others.(2)
Now there can be no doubt that the people of Goa wish to merge with or to get
Goa join the Union of India. It does not require an argument. I cannot speak
for everyone there, and mind you I am speaking not of the Hindus or
non-Christians of Goa who form the majority there-they are sixty per cent-but I
am speaking of the Catholic Christians there. I think enough evidence has come,
including the arrest of quite a considerable number of Catholic priests by the
Portuguese authorities for expressing themselves in favour of union with India.
So, it is not a religious matter. Roughly the population of Goa is sixty per
cent Hindus or non-Christians; and forty per cent Catholic Christians.
Now, I say, leave out the sixty per cent Hindus of Goa who obviously are in
favour of joining India. I say, the forty per cent of the Christian population
of Goa, the majority of them wish to join India and I would say a considerable
majority but I cannot naturally say exactly
how many. So, there is no question of what the people want; there is no doubt
about it. One may differ in the estimate as to whether ninety per cent of the
population want it or eighty per cent want it. There may be some difference in
that calculation, but there is no doubt about what the people want.
You know that the Government of India have made it perfectly clear, that as
with Pondicherry we propose to treat Goa as an entity, as a separate unit and
entity. We do not propose to just attach it to any other part or state in
India, and make it perhaps a district of India. We recognise that
Goa has an individuality-and a history, and one should maintain that
individuality till the people of Goa themselves wish to change it. That is a
different matter. So that within the Indian Union Goa will have an
individuality and necessarily a normal self-governing apparatus which goes with
membership of the Indian Union.
What changes might be brought about in future, will naturally be in
consultation with and with the approval of the people there. Nothing is to be
imposed upon. And it is perfectly clear that so far as religious matters are
concerned, they will have the fullest freedom. Reference has been made to the
relics of St Francis Xavier. Well, before him, many of you know was St Thomas
in Madras and there are millions and millions of Catholics, chiefly in South
India. But the biggest testimony is that the Catholic priests and others in Goa
are taking a very considerable part internally in this movement for freedom and
for union with India. And quite apart from sentimental reasons which may
influence them in this behalf, there are practical reasons. It is obvious to
them that they will have far greater, freedom as members of the Indian Union,
than they have at present.
It is not my intention to criticise any country's government, but it is obvious
that normal democratic freedom does not prevail not only in Goa, but even in
Portugal. Sometimes it is said that some reforms are going to be introduced in
Goa-but you can hardly expect Goa to become more democratically free than
Portugal itself. And if Portugal has not got that freedom, well, that is
reflected in a much intenser degree in Goa naturally. However, what Portugal
has or has not, that is none of my business; that is for the Portuguese people.
But it is my business what happens in Goa, and it is only our definite policy
of peace, peaceful approach, and restraint, which prevents us from taking other
steps.
I think it is completely open to us to take such steps in the economic domain
as we consider proper. We have taken some; we may take other. People have been
going there as satyagrahis, and inside Goa also, you must remember that there
is a satyagraha, and many people have been arrested from time to time there.
Last year we issued directions, broad directions, that Indian non-Goanese,
Indian nationals will not be encouraged there to go. Why? There is no principle
about it. Non-Goanese Indian nationals can go there. It is not a sin for them
to go there. In fact, I would add: those who want to go there do go. When then
did we say this? Because we thought that it is easy enough for large numbers of
Indians to go there, almost to paralyse the Government. India has enough people
round about there.
We felt that that would lead to people to think that we are coercing these
Goanese that this is not a movement of the Goanese people. Mind you I do not
challenge the right of Indians to go there. Goa is a part of India. Why should
we not do it? But we wanted to bring out the fact that this freedom movement
with which we wholly sympathise is essentially a Goanese movement, of the
people of Goa, and it is nothing thrust upon them; there is nothing which is
imposed upon them. And we thought that if large numbers of Indians went there
in this way, it would give an opportunity to others to say that this is just an
extraneous effort with which the people of Goa did not agree. That was one
reason.
The second reason was and all this applies to large numbers of people going
there that this was bound to lead to other consequences which were not
peaceful. The Portuguese Government and authorities, I fear, have little
understanding of satyagraha or peaceful methods. They have been trained in a
different school than ours, and we did not wish to create a situation which
might well lead to large-scale shooting, killing and the passions that would be
aroused in India and elsewhere.
I have told you frankly our reasons for that. Now, in the past six or eight
months, occasionally one or two Indian nationals accompanied the Goanese.
Nothing wrong with this. What we wish to prevent was large groups of Indian
nationals going together, and coming into conflict and creating a difficult
international situation, violence, shooting and all that, something which would
come in our way of a peaceful solution of the problem. This time a considerable
number of Indians, well, about 55, some were Goanese, but a majority of
Indians, they went not by the straight normal route to Goa.(3)
That itself, of course, prevented that kind of major conflict. We can't line up
the whole border with packets and troops and the main approaches are guarded by
us for entry and exit. Now, that policy continues, i.e., we do not approve of
large numbers of Indian nationals going there for some kind of satyagraha, or
what is supposed to be satyagraha. Individuals have gone, they can go with the
Goanese and others. In spite of recent developments, which have pained our
people and us very much, we propose to adhere to our policy of dealing with
this question peacefully, economically and otherwise. And even now the problem
of Goa has not been solved, but I have no doubt that it has come nearer
solution, and we shall go ahead with this policy, vary it from time to time and
keep completely wide awake to what happens there.(4)
Question: Mr Alvares (5) has stated that some foreign government is at the back
of the Portuguese Government and he has named the country which has constructed
an aerodrome there. In view of these developments, don't you think our policy
needs revision at this stage?
JN: Well, that information Mr Alvares has at his disposal, I do not know. It is
quite possible, indeed probable that an aerodrome there has been improved, but
because of that we cannot take exception to an aerodrome being improved in a
place. I do not think personally, there is any foreign government involved in
this matter of Goa. Maybe sometimes some may have sympathy with them, but
otherwise I don't think there is anything in it.
In fact, I think in the course of the last seven or eight months, that is,
since August last year, when there J-as a big hubbub and since indeed this
policy of ours was clearly framed and announced, there has been a much clearer
understanding and appreciation of our policy and India's objective in Goa in
other countries, in most countries in fact, than there was previously. They did
not understand then, but now because of our patience and restraint and yet a
firm policy, it has been understood much more in other countries, and even
those, who sometimes criticised us have come round to the opinion that the only
solution is for Goa to come to India.
Mostly they say privately, "It is bound to come to India, why are you in a
hurry. Within two or three years it is bound to come." That is the present
foreign approach, if 1 may say so, but it is generally admitted almost by every
country, excepting Portugal, that Goa is bound to come to India.
Q: You stated previously that NATO wanted to extend its tentacles to India.
JN: I did not say that exactly or used the word tentacles. I said that the
Portuguese stated eight months back, or nine months ago that they would appeal
to NATO, because they are members of it. We were informed by some countries
belonging to the NATO alliance politely that they hoped that this question of
Goa would be solved peacefully. That was the approach made to us. Well, we do
not mind anyone, any country telling us this or talking to us about it, but we
did object and resent this kind of thing, which was otherwise legitimate, being
said in connection with the NATO alliance. That is what we thought was
completely wrong and we expressed our views in Parliament and outside.
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(1 Press conference. New Delhi, 31 May 1955. From the Press Information Bureau.
Extracts. For other parts of the press conference, see post. pp. 328-332.
380-389. p. 431 and pp. 503-505
2 Severance of diplomatic relations and even some form of blockade were some of
the steps contemplated)
3 On 18 May 1955, a batch of 54 satyagrahis, led by N.G. Goray of the Praja
Socialist Party, crossed over into Goa and the Portuguese opened fire with four
satyagrahis receiving bullet wounds. Many others were abused and beaten harshly
4 On 20 May 1955, the Foreign Affairs Committee met to discuss the Goa
situation. "It
accepted the recommendation of Chief Minister of Bombay that consul general,
Goa should
ask local authorities to grant interviews with detained satyagrahis in order to
ascertain details of police firing on 18 May. The Committee decided that if
reports about the 18 May incident were found to be correct, then India should
take steps to close the Portuguese legation and consulates in Goa and Bombay.
It was also decided that no further action would be taken if "incidents were
not so grave".
5 Peter Alvares (1908-1975); President, National Congress, Goa, 1953-61 )
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Remarks
17th December 1961 Indian troops attacked Goa.
9th December 1963. First general Election Held in Goa.
22nd May 1963. Pt. Nehru visits Goa
May 27 1964. Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru passed away.
Opinion poll held on 16th January 1967
Cyrus Sanches
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