------------------------------ <http://www.forbes.com/sites/meghabahree/>Megha Bahree <http://www.forbes.com/sites/meghabahree/>Contributor
Indian Billionaire Gautam Adani Finds A Savior In The Modi Govt (Forbes) Indian billionaire Gautam Adani <http://www.forbes.com/profile/gautam-adani/>-owned Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone announced yesterday that the new Narendra Modi-led government has granted it environmental clearances that legalize its sprawling SEZ in Mundra in the western state of Gujarat. , the SEZ’s status had been in limbo since January when the Gujarat High Court declared it illegal and ordered the companies that had set up factories in there to stop all work. Reason: The SEZ had been built without getting an environmental clearance. Under Indian law a project the size of the SEZ would need one from the federal environment ministry before it can lay a brick. The company had appealed the Supreme Court, India’s highest, for a review of that decision. Although the Supreme Court refused to stay the lower court’s decision, it said existing tenants in its SEZ could keep operating. With hundreds of millions of dollars already invested–albeit in a project in legal limbo–the question at the time was if Adani’s effort had become too big to shut down. The Gujarat High Court passed the ball on that decision to the federal government, asking if the project could be granted a belated environmental clearance. New Delhi in turn asked for a couple of months to ponder that decision. But before the then Congress-led UPA government could take a decision, dates for national elections were announced, effectively blocking it from taking any big decisions. This also meant that the ball was being passed onto the next government. Not a bad thing to happen from Adani’s point of view as even then Modi was the favored prime ministerial candidate expected to lead the next government and Modi and Adani have a long, happy history. The Adani Group <http://www.adani.com/> was established in 1988 and became publicly traded in 1994. But its real rise happened under Modi’s reign in Gujarat. From 2002 to last March the group’s revenue rose from $765 million to $8.8 billion while net profits climbed even faster. During this period it constructed its SEZ, bought mines in Indonesia and Australia to ensure it had a steady supply of coal for its thermal power plants in India and launched Asia’s largest coal import terminal in Mundra in the Gulf of Kutch. Business <http://www.forbes.com/business/> aside, they were known to be close on a personal front as well. Modi had been a visible guest at Adani’s son’s wedding last year in Goa, as I had reported. According to media reports he had also been using an Adani Group plane to dash to his various commitments during the campaign phase. Adani has, over the years, leased 7,350 hectares–much of which he got from 2005 onward–from the government in Mundra. He got the 30-year, renewable leases for as little as one U.S. cent a square meter (the rate maxed out at 45 cents a square meter). He in turn has sublet this land to other companies, including state-owned Indian Oil <http://www.forbes.com/companies/indian-oil/> Indian Oil <http://www.forbes.com/companies/indian-oil/> Co., for as much as $11 a square meter. Between 2005 and 2007 at least 1,200 hectares of grazing land was taken away from villagers. On this cheap land Adani built his cash cow–the country’s largest private port by volume–as well as a 4,620-megawatt coal-fired power plant. In the meantime villagers in the area not only lost grazing land to the company, they also found that fly ash and saline water from Adani Power (and a nearby Tata Power <http://www.forbes.com/companies/tata-power/> Tata Power <http://www.forbes.com/companies/tata-power/> Co. Ltd.) plant were spoiling the crops and making the soil less fertile. A panel appointed by the previous federal environment ministry confirmed the villagers’ complaints–and fears. It said the Adani SEZ had violated multiple green rules at different points of its mammoth project–destroying mangroves, filling creeks and causing land and water degradation by dumping fly ash. (The company has denied this.) Yesterday’s decision means that the SEZ is open for new business again. Anand Yagnik, the lawyer representing the villagers who had originally filed the case, said he plans to file an appeal with the Gujarat High Court to review the federal government’s environmental approval for the SEZ. Modi was declared the winner on May 16 and formed his government later that month. Within less than two months Adani Group’s troubled SEZ has been rescued. That’s efficiency <http://www.forbes.com/sites/meghabahree/>Megha Bahree <http://www.forbes.com/sites/meghabahree/>Contributor Contact Megha Bahree <http://www.forbes.com/sites/meghabahree/2014/03/12/doing-big-business-in-modis-gujarat/> The author is a Forbes contributor. The opinions expressed are those of the writer. *Doing Big Business In Modi's Gujarat* This story appears in the March 24, 2014 issue of Forbes Asia. *When his son was married in the coastal state of Goa last year, Indian billionaire Gautam Adani’s guest list included the richest man in the country and many a chief executive and top banker and bureaucrat. Most, however, just stopped by the night before to bless the happy couple and skipped the actual wedding. But one prominent friend stayed through all the ceremonies over a couple of days, genial and relaxed like a favorite uncle. It was Narendra Modi, chief minister of Adani’s home state of Gujarat.* Ranked No. 609 <http://www.forbes.com/profile/gautam-adani/> in the world with an estimated worth of $2.8 billion, Adani <http://www.forbes.com/profile/gautam-adani/> runs India’s largest port, a power company and a commodities trading business. A large chunk of his business <http://www.adani.com/> is located in Gujarat, and the government under Modi <http://www.narendramodi.in/>, who has been running the state since 2001 and now is the favored prime ministerial candidate in the national elections this spring, has been more generous to Adani than to any other industrialist there. Adani has, over the years, leased 7,350 hectares–much of which he got from 2005 onward–from the government in an area called Mundra in the Gulf of Kutch <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulf_of_Kutch> in Gujarat. FORBES ASIA has copies of the agreements that show he got the 30-year, renewable leases for as little as one U.S. cent a square meter (the rate maxed out at 45 cents a square meter). He in turn has sublet this land to other companies, including state-owned Indian Oil Co., for as much as $11 a square meter. Between 2005 and 2007 at least 1,200 hectares of grazing land was taken away from villagers. India’s most alluring GDP growth story looks different if you’re Gautam Adani or a villager living off the land. (Photo: Joe Athialy) Under Indian law land meant for grazing cattle can be used for something else only if it’s in excess. There’s a formula applied to calculate. Even then the village chief has to give permission to take the land. Villagers in Adani’s SEZ say their grazing land was signed away by earlier village chiefs without their knowledge. They have filed multiple cases in the Gujarat High Court to contest the government’s actions, going back to 2005 and even earlier. Several cases are still pending. On that cheap land Adani has built his cash cow–the country’s largest private port by volume–as well as a 4,620-megawatt coal-fired power plant. Anand Yagnik, a lawyer representing some of the Mundra villagers, says, “The basic philosophy of a liberal economy is to allow market forces to play its role. Then why do you have to allocate scarce resources to industrial houses at throwaway prices when they have sufficient capital to pay market rates?” Modi, it should be noted, is posed as the candidate of Indian economic revival in the national race on the basis of his Gujarat record. In February he gave a speech touting the benefits of more open business competition in India. On the surface the busy Adani port exemplifies such commerce. On an earlier February day two tugboats were guiding a loaded ship toward the jetty even as another ship was being loaded with containers. In one section of docks, new Maruti Suzuki cars were being cleaned for shipment. In another, commodities excavated from the region–bauxite, bentonite, iron ore–lay in individual piles, waiting to be loaded for export. In the most recent available data, Gujarat’s GDP shows a compounded average growth of 13.4% during Modi’s tenure, outstripping the national rate of 7.8% for the period. Thanks to Modi’s policies it has attracted investment in sectors like auto manufacturing and solar power. It has made advances in rainwater harvesting and irrigation, and offers a near 24-hour electricity supply statewide. (In contrast, the country has averaged a power deficit of up to 9% for the past three years, though that has improved much of late.) Miles of smooth roads, occasionally lined with pink, orange and white bougainvillea and kept clean by sweeping machines, let you zip around the massive city within a city that is Adani’s special economic zone. The idea is to have export-focused companies set up their factories in the SEZ, close to the Adani port. As additional incentives the billionaire has built a 40-mile railway line, linking the port to the national railway network, as well as a 1.1-mile-long private airstrip that SEZ tenants can use for their chartered flights. So far 23 companies have signed up. Thus Gujarat has gained some output and employment, but Adani has captured the rents. The Adani Group <http://www.adani.com/> was established in 1988 and became publicly traded in 1994. But its real rise happened under Modi’s reign in Gujarat. From 2002 to last March the group’s revenue rose from $765 million to $8.8 billion while net profits climbed even faster. During this period it constructed its SEZ, bought mines in Indonesia and Australia to ensure it had a steady supply of coal for its thermal power plants in India and launched Asia’s largest coal import terminal in Mundra. In 2011 it further expanded in Australia, buying for $2 billion Abbot Point, a coal terminal in Queensland. It also tacked on a hefty amount of debt–$13 billion–more than doubling since 2011. While none of the other companies in Kutch, or the rest of Gujarat for that matter, have received the kind of largesse on land rates as Adani, they, too, have benefitted from the Modi government’s bent. It is one that, whatever Modi may now be saying on the campaign trail against crony capitalism and on behalf of the downtrodden, is even less mindful of environmental damage and villager prerogatives than are Indian land-use practices in general. At a political rally in distant Lucknow in early March, Modi said farmers were his friends and he would stand by them. He also said he would “not allow anyone to loot the exchequer.” But spend time around the villages of Kutch and a vastly different picture appears. This region was famous for its crops of sapodilla, a brown, fleshy fruit slightly smaller than a tennis ball, as well as dates, coconuts and castor. Area farmers say that that’s no longer the case. (Official stats seem to end in 2006.) Fly ash and saline water from Adani Power and a nearby Tata Power Co. Ltd. plant are spoiling the crops and making the soil less fertile, they say. For miles at a stretch the chimneys of the two power plants are visible against the horizon. Gajendra Sinh Jadeja, the 28-year-old head of Navinal village, says the Gujarat government took some 930,770 square meters of his village’s grazing land for Adani’s SEZ. Adani got it for 19 cents a square meter. Traversing a couple of nearby barren fields, Jadeja says he had been growing alternately cotton, millet and castor there. Now patches of white salt are easily visible across stretches of the fields and have become a common sight across farms. “The saline water ruined the soil, and the poor production now is just not worth it,” he says. On another field there is a scraggly growth of castor, no comparison to the tall, lush green field that he remembers. The village of Zarapara with its 15,000 residents is one of the largest in the area. When the government allotted a thousand acres of its grazing land to the Adani SEZ, at roughly 19 cents a square meter, the villagers filed a case that reached India’s highest court, the Supreme Court. Before judgment there, an out-of court settlement was reached under which Adani Group was to offer villagers 400 acres of grazing land. The company says it has offered the land while the villagers say they haven’t received any so far. Zarapara was once famous for its sapodillas. “In season five trucks filled with [sapodillas] would go every day to the market from this village,” says Zarapara resident Naran Ghadavi, whose farm is 3 miles from the Adani power plant. “Now we only produce enough to fill one small van.” Ghadavi, 30, blames the decrease in output on the saline water and the fly ash from the Adani power plant that has polluted the groundwater tables and broken the pollination process. Pointing to his white shirt, the small, wiry man says, “Earlier our clothes used to turn yellow [from the pollen]. Now when the morning dew drips from the tree leaves, the ground turns black from the fly ash.” The villagers’ lawyer Yagnik argues that Modi, by giving away land so cheaply, is depriving the state treasury of funds. “This kind of subsidization of scarce resources eats away at the public exchequer, and that has a direct impact on distributive justice because then the state doesn’t have enough resources to deal with this inequality,” he says. After years of receiving complaints of environmental abuse, the federal environment ministry finally, in 2012, named a panel–known as the Sunita Narain Committee after the woman chairing the process–to look into them. In a report last April Narain’s group confirmed the villagers’ complaints–and fears. It said the Adani SEZ had violated multiple green rules at different points of its mammoth project–destroying mangroves, filling creeks and causing land and water degradation by dumping fly ash. At the power plant thousands of gallons of water sucked in from the sea through one channel are let out through a pipeline. Once sucked in it’s kept in a reservoir from where it’s pumped into the turbines to generate electricity and eventually is pumped back out. The panel found that the reservoir didn’t have any lining to protect the groundwater. “The examination by the committee shows that the soil in the area is permeable and without safeguards it will lead to contamination. This is a clear violation of the environmental clearance condition,” its report said. The committee recommended that Adani create a fund that was either 1% of the entire project cost or $37 million, whichever was higher. It also said the company should reconstruct both the channels that are used to take in and send back the water, as well as repair or construct anew the reservoir with impervious lining at the bottom and sides. But almost a year after the recommendations were made the company appears to have done nothing. Meantime, it has plans to expand its 7,350-hectare SEZ to 18,000 hectares. In an e-mailed response to questions, a spokeswoman for Adani Group said it had been allotted government land after following all established processes and used valuations applicable at the time, ahead of subsequent improvements. “It will be completely misleading if we compare the price of the land before development and after development as an entrepreneur takes risk of investing a large amount to develop this land, and if the commercial venture fails, the consequences are only to the developer,” the company said. Adani Group said salinity ingress was a local phenomenon and that its power plant used technology to ensure that there was no stray fly ash. It also refuted the observations of the Sunita Narain committee and said while any large development would affect the environment, it was certain that its net impact was positive. Also, all government requirements were followed in setting up its various projects. The Modi administration did not reply to repeated interview requests. In today’s India and elsewhere, it is not unusual for governments to offer benefits to powerful private interests, especially to attract investment in remote areas. And as noted, Adani is not the sole beneficiary of Modi’s blessings. “But what is unusual–and where the problem arises–is when you set something up on this scale without competitive bidding,” says Aakar Patel, a columnist at Indian newspaper Mint and a longtime Gujarat observer. The social dynamics are much the same at the 4,000-megawatt power plant of Tata’s wholly owned subsidiary Coastal Gujarat Power, a few miles down the coastline from the Adani plant. It opened in March 2012 under a different arrangement, this one a federal initiative to spur big energy plants. Several of them have been announced, but this one from Tata is the first to go live. Under the deals, the federal government provides the operators with the land and all clearances. However, land is a state subject, so it is the state government–Modi’s in this case–that had identified and allocated the land. Credit: Megha Bahree In Kutch fishermen and their families set up camp on the beach. Tagadi fishing village is one such camp on the banks of what is now the Tata plant’s outflow channel. Dawood Umar Jaam, 43, has been fishing in the area for the past five years. He has seen a 60% drop in his catch in the last few months and blames it on the plant. As the plant takes in seawater, it also sucks up fish that are still small, killing them instantly, says a fishermen’s trade union known as MASS, active in the area. The plant releases hot water back into the sea, raising temperatures in the immediate vicinity, killing more fish and changing migratory patterns. Jaam, who has a family of six in Tagadi, takes a loan of maybe $2,000 prior to the fishing season to repair his nets and otherwise get ready. He would earn enough to pay off the loan and save up to about $750 each year, he says. Not anymore. He doubts he’ll be able to repay more than $350. Just before he sets off to fish, he points to the boundary fence of his makeshift house, constructed on three sides using bamboo sticks. Those sticks used to be covered with fish put out to dry. Now, only a quarter of the sticks are covered. The Tata unit says the outfall channel is specially lined with stones to extend the surface while the water is being discharged so it can cool. “The outfall channel, which is [4.5 miles] long, ensures that the temperature of hot water at the discharge point meets the environmental stipulations,” the company said in an e-mailed statement. In addition, it says, it’s teaching Tagadi fishermen better practices and is distributing nets to enhance the catch and providing clean drinking water. Back in his adjoining SEZ, things have gotten legally dicier for Adani of late. Residents of Navinal Village, including the head Jadeja, filed in 2011 a petition in the Gujarat High Court after they lost their grazing land to the SEZ. In January the court declared the SEZ illegal and ordered the companies that had set up factories in there to stop all work. Reason: The SEZ had been built without getting an environmental clearance. Under Indian law a project the size of the SEZ would need one from the federal environment ministry before it can lay a brick. (This judgment is pertinent only to the SEZ and not to the port or the Adani Power plant. The company had applied for–and received–separate environmental clearances for those, and that lets them operate legally.) The Supreme Court, India’s highest, has refused to stay the lower court’s decision, although it said existing tenants in its SEZ could keep operating. With hundreds of millions of dollars already invested–albeit in a project now in legal limbo–the question now is if Adani’s effort has become too big to shut down. The Gujarat High Court passed the ball on that decision to the federal government, asking if the project could be granted a belated environmental clearance. New Delhi in turn asked for a couple of months to ponder that decision. Now that India’s election has been set to begin Apr. 7, the federal government is effectively blocked from taking this decision. As a result the fate of this project will likely be decided by whoever comes into power next, and that could easily be a government led by Modi. *This story has been revised to correct a statement concerning the proceedings brought by the villagers* *SBI's $1 billion loan to Adani makes no sense, here's why* *By Vivek Kaul <http://firstbiz.firstpost.com/author/vivekkaul>* (FirstBiz) 82 The State Bank of India (SBI) has decided to lend up to $1 billion to Adani Mining, the Australian subsidiary of Adani Enterprises for the Carmichael mine in Queensland, Australia. The mine has massive blocks of untapped coal reserves. The company aims to build the project by end of 2017. "The MOU with SBI is a significant milestone in the development of our Carmichael mine," Adani said in a statement released yesterday. <http://firstbiz.firstpost.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/strike-sbi-lock-reuters.jpg> The State Bank of India(SBI) has decided to lend up to $1 billion to Adani Mining. The loan as and when it is extended would be one of the largest given out by an Indian bank for a foreign project. The question is should SBI be giving out a loan of up to $1 billion to a company which already has a huge amount of debt. Let's take a look at how the numbers look. As on September 30, 2014, the long term debt of the company stood at Rs 55,364.94 crore. The short term debt stood at Rs 17,267.43 crore. Hence, the total debt of the company stood at Rs 72,632.37 crore. As on March 31, 2014, the total debt of the company stood at Rs 64,979.04 crore. Hence, the total debt of the company has shot up by Rs 7653.33 crore in a matter of six months. The question we are trying to answer here is how good is the ability of the company to service all the debt that it has managed to accumulate. For that we use results of the last four quarters and calculate the interest coverage ratio. Interest coverage ratio is essentially the earnings before interest, taxes and exceptional items (or what is often termed as operating profit) of a company divided by its interest expense. It tells us whether the company is making enough money to pay the interest on its outstanding debt. The total operating profit of the company over the last four quarters comes at Rs 8999.92 crore. The interest that the company has paid on its debt in the last four quarters amounts to Rs 5,733.77 crore. This means an interest coverage ratio of around 1.57. As www.investopedia.com points out “The lower the ratio, the more the company is burdened by debt expense. When a company's interest coverage ratio is 1.5 or lower, its ability to meet interest expenses may be questionable.” While Adani Enterprises' interest coverage ratio is not lower than 1.5 it is clearly getting there. In fact, things get even more interesting once we start calculating the interest coverage ratio on the basis of quarterly data. The interesting coverage ratio for the period of three months ending March 31, 2014, stood at 2.67. It stood at 1.58, for the period of three months ending June 30, 2014. And for the period of three months ending September 30, 2014, it stood at 1.12. As we can see, the ability of the company to keep paying the interest that it needs to pay on its debt has come down dramatically during the course of this financial year. As www.investopedia.com points out “An interest coverage ratio below 1 indicates the company is not generating sufficient revenues to satisfy interest expenses.” Adani Enterprises is clearly moving towards this situation. Further, in a May 2014 report, Bank of America Merrill Lynch had estimated that the company would have an interest coverage ratio of 1.2 during the course of this financial year. What all this clearly tells us is that Adani Enterprises is in an over-leveraged situation and is getting to a situation where it will find it difficult to keep paying the interest on its debt. The thing with debt is that it can work both ways. When a company takes on a higher amount of debt it gives itself an opportunity to generate higher earnings vis a vis a situation where it hadn't taken on that debt at all. If this happens, then these increased earnings are spread among the same number of shareholders. But at the same time the company runs the risk of getting into a situation where the projected earnings simply don't come along and it finds it difficult to keep paying the interest on all the debt that it has taken on. Adani Enterprises runs the risk of getting precisely into this situation. Further as a Reuters news-report points out <http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/state-bank-of-india-to-provide-up-to-1-bn-loan-for-adani-australia-coal-mine-621846> “Much bigger coal rivals, like BHP Billiton and Glencore, have also shelved coal developments in Queensland at a time when a third of Australia's coal output is making losses.” Also, coal prices have fallen over the last few years. As a recent report in The Hindu points out <http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/features/investment-world/real-assets/coal-down-in-the-dumps/article6605293.ece>“Globally, coal prices have been on a downtrend in the last three years and are at the lowest levels since 2009. Prices of steam coal, a slightly lower grade that is used in power generation, have halved since 2011 to $62 per tonne now.” This fall in prices has happened because of the supply not shrinking along with demand. “For instance, demand from China — the largest consumer of coal accounting for half of the total global demand — has been slow. After growing at over 10 per cent annually during 2001-2011, the country’s demand has fallen — imports were down to 150 million tonnes (mt) in 2013, from 182 mt in 2011. And given the pollution-related issues, it is expected that the country may look at cleaner sources more actively, holding down demand. Goldman Sachs estimates that imports will fall to 75 mt by 2018,” The Hindu points out. Goldman Sachs expects the demand growth to be 15 million tonnes per year during 2013-2018, against 60 million tonnes per year it was at during 2008-2012. The supply of coal isn't likely to come down. In case of Australia the miners have entered into long term “take or pay” contracts which requires them to pay $20 per tonne of transport costs, irrespective of the fact whether or not they ship coal. Hence, Australian miners are likely to continue to ship coal. What this tells us is that coal is not the best business to be in right now. Despite these reasons SBI has gone ahead and given a loan of up to $1 billion to Adani Enterprises. This is not a logical decision which takes into account the facts as they prevail. The only possible explanation for this decision is the “so called” closeness of Gautam Adani, chairman of Adani Enterprises to Narendra Modi, the prime minister of India. (Vivek Kaul is the author of the Easy Money trilogy. He tweets @kaul_vivek) Business <http://www.forbes.com/business> 5/29/2014 @ 9:46AM 5,626 views Adani Group's Great Barrier Reef Project In Troubled Waters Deutsche Bank <http://www.forbes.com/companies/deutsche-bank/> Deutsche Bank <http://www.forbes.com/companies/deutsche-bank/> has refused to fund Indian conglomerate Adani Enterprises' <http://www.forbes.com/companies/adani-enterprises/> Adani Enterprises' <http://www.forbes.com/companies/adani-enterprises/> plans to expand a port near the Great Barrier Reef in Australia, dealing the project a symbolic blow, according to a media report. Juergen Fitschen, Deutsche Bank’s co-chief executive, told shareholders that the bank would not be involved in the Abbot Point project, which the world heritage agency Unesco has warned risks damaging the fragile ecosystem of the reef, the Financial Times reported. <http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/c616fd0a-e249-11e3-89fd-00144feabdc0.html?siteedition=intl#axzz32dKGfPUL> “There is no consensus between Unesco and the Australian government regarding the expansion of Abbot Point in the vicinity of the Great Barrier Reef. Our policy requires such a consensus at the least. We therefore would not consider applications for the financing of an expansion any further,” the FT reported Fitschen saying. Th decision by Deutsche Bank, which has previously arranged financing for companies at Abbot Point port, came after a concerted campaign by environmental activists. Adani Enterprises, India’s largest coal importer, had bought the Abbot Point Terminal in Queensland–one of the country’s bigger coal terminals–for about $2 billion in May 2011 in an attempt to increase its access to more energy resources to meet rising demand for power in India. But the project has been controversial from the start because while it would unlock billions of dollars worth of coal reserves, that process would require millions of tons of sediment to be dumped near the reef, potentially endangering the world heritage-listed site. Unesco has warned it would place the Great Barrier Reef on its endangered list because of the port expansion. Deutsche Bank was not the only global bank to pull back from the controversial project. The FT reported HSBC chief executive Stuart Gulliver as saying it was “extraordinarily unlikely it would go near it.” There’s a very good chance that billionaire Gautam Adani <http://www.forbes.com/profile/gautam-adani/>-owned company can easily line up financing from other banks, especially for a project as big as this one. However, if there is a massive build up in public sentiment against the project, it’s possible that the tide could still turn against it, forcing more such withdrawals. Case in point being another Indian billionaire Anil Agarwal <http://www.forbes.com/profile/anil-agarwal/> whose London-listed Vedanta Resources <http://www.forbes.com/companies/vedanta-resources/> Vedanta Resources <http://www.forbes.com/companies/vedanta-resources/> was denied permission a few years ago to mine bauxite in a forest in the eastern Indian state of Orissa after massive public outrage against the project, a historic decision at that point as I reported then <http://www.forbes.com/sites/meghabahree/2010/08/24/how-to-block-a-billionaire/> . Vedanta had been trying to mine bauxite in a forest called the Niyamgiri Hills which had been home for generations to an indigenous tribe of 8,000 called the Dongria Kondh who had been living off the bounty of the thick forests. The region was also had an estimated 2 billion tons of bauxite along a 300-mile belt. Hence the clash. Vedanta had first built an aluminum refinery near the proposed mining site and was importing bauxite from other regions to fuel it while it awaited the greenlight on its mining plans. In the midst of the protests against the proposed mining, Amnesty International issued a damning report on the refinery and the proposed mine–harsh enough that the Church of England and the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust sold their $5.7 million and $2.9 million investments, respectively, in Vedanta. Around the same time India’s then environment minister set up a committee to examine the complaints raised against Vedanta and found Vedanta had acted with ‘total contempt for the law;’ that local officials have ‘colluded’ in the company’s illegal activity; that ‘it is established beyond any doubt that the [mining] area is the cultural, religious and economic habitat of the Dongria Kondh’ and that to allow Vedanta’s mine would be ‘illegal.’ <http://www.forbes.com/sites/meghabahree/2010/08/17/is-this-the-end-to-vedantas-mining-ambitions-in-india-my-time-in-niyamgiri/> I’m not saying Adani’s Abbot Point project is illegal–the local government has approved it–or that it won’t get the required financing from other process. But there’s no guarantee, as yet, that it will get done either. Anything is possible *Adani’s Australian project gets $1 billion SBI loan (The Times of India)* "The MoU with SBI is a significant milestone in the development of our Carmichael mine," said Adani Group chairman Gautam Adani. MUMBAI: Funding has started to fall in place for Gautam Adani's ambitious $16.5-billion coal and mine development project in Australia, which has got a new lease of life during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's tour of Australia. An Australian regional government has agreed to part-fund the infrastructure development part of the project, and India's largest lender State Bank of India (SBI) has agreed to provide $1 billion, or Rs 6,100 crore, for the project, making it one of the largest extended facility by an Indian bank for an overseas project. The move comes at a point of time when global banks - including the likes of Citigroup, Morgan Stanley, JP Morgan Chase, Goldman Sachs, Deutsche Bank, Royal Bank of Scotland, Barclays, Credit Agricole and HSBC - have decided to stay away from funding the project due to environmental reasons. "The MoU with SBI is a significant milestone in the development of our Carmichael mine," said Adani Group chairman Gautam Adani, who was in Brisbane with a business delegation for the G20 summit, which Modi attended over the weekend. With SBI's billion-dollar funding and investments from the Queensland state government, Gautam Adani <http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/topic/Gautam-Adani> is now banking on Australia's big four banks - along with export credit agencies of Korea and US - to achieve financial closure of his most ambitious project. Up to $1.5 billion is expected to be raised from South Korea's export credit agency alone. This is because the Adani Group has awarded a $2-billion contract to Korean company Posco to construct the 388km railway line to connect the Carmichael mine to Abbot Point. Prime Minister Modi met Queensland premier Campbell Newman in Brisbane, leading to a commitment from the Queensland state government to take short-term, minority stakes in Adani Group's rail and port infrastructure projects. "We are prepared to invest in core, common-user infrastructure. We want a new (Galilee) coal basin to open. The role of government is to make targeted investments to get something going and exit in a few years' time," Newman said. Tim Buckley, director of Energy Resource Studies Australasia at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA), said, "This project is not commercially viable. Eight of the largest global financiers have already said they won't provide financing to the Galilee projects. This makes a mockery of the plan by Adani to export two-thirds of the Carmichael coal back to India. His own energy minister is making it clear India can't afford to solve energy poverty using hugely expensive imported coal." Last week, coal minister Piyush Goyal said he plans for India to cease importing thermal coal within two-three years.
