By: Skye Arundhati Thomas [Skye Arundhati Thomas is a writer and editor
from India.]
Published in: *London Review of Books*
Date: January 28, 2026

Ladakh is a high-altitude desert that was once a deep-sea bed. When the
Tethys Ocean closed 50 million years ago, its floor folded and lifted as
the Eurasian and Indian tectonic plates collided, forming the Himalayas
(they are still growing, nearly a centimetre a year). Ladakh is a landscape
of glacial valleys, sand dunes and rock formations (containing copper,
lithium, uranium and rare earth minerals). There are geothermal springs in
the Puga Valley and alluvial gold deposits in the Shyok River.

When snowpacks, glaciers and frozen lakes periodically thaw, fresh water
flows to the Indus, Brahmaputra and Ganga rivers, reaching nearly two
billion people. It’s one of the world’s most potent water reserves; lately,
it’s also of the most prone to drought. In recent summers, perennial
springs have gone missing. In the monsoon, though, the rain is
overwhelming: in August 2025 it surged by 930 per cent
<https://www.indiatoday.in/environment/story/ladakh-rains-floods-monsoon-rainfall-surge-in-ladakh-2781203-2025-09-03>
 above normal levels. Flash floods carry away livestock, bridges, entire
homes. The water lost in one season leads to drought in the next.

In 2019, the BJP government revoked Ladakh’s special constitutional
protections along with those of Kashmir. Under the euphemisms of
‘development’ and ‘progress’, the privatisation of land, industrialisation
and tourism were accelerated. Mining contracts were handed out, as were
deals for geothermal and solar energy. Infrastructure projects are underway
at sub-zero temperatures. The Solar Energy Corporation of India has
requisitioned 48,000 acres of pastureland. It aims to transmit the
electricity along a 713-kilometre corridor from Ladakh to Haryana.

More than 1600 kilometres of road have been widened or newly constructed.
The fourteen-kilometre Zoji-la tunnel is intended to connect Leh, Kargil
and Srinagar. In 2022, Pakistani officials reported
<https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/930583-india-dumping-millions-of-tonnes-of-rock-loose-soil-in-jhelum>
 that 17,345 million tonnes of rock, soil and silt from the excavations had
been dumped in the Jhelum River. The tunnel is crucial to the Indian
government’s defence plans; it’s meant to supply amenities all the way up
to the Siachen Glacier, where the Indian Army is garrisoned next to the
Chinese border. A similar tunnel under construction in Uttarakhand
collapsed in 2023, trapping 41 people. It had been blasted directly into a
geological fault line.

On 10 September 2025, the environmental activist and community leader Sonam
Wangchuk began a 35-day hunger strike, along with fourteen other people, in
protest at the collapse of talks between Ladakh and Delhi. On 24 September,
as the hunger strikers’ conditions were worsening, demonstrators took to
the streets. A group entered a BJP building in Leh and set it on fire. The
central government cut off mobile data, imposed a curfew and banned public
gatherings. Four protesters were killed with live rounds. Wangchuk, who had
appealed for calm, was arrested on 26 September and taken 1300 kilometres
from Leh to Jodhpur.

In 2015, Wangchuk invented the ‘ice stupa’
<https://time.com/collections/time-100-climate-2025/7326592/sonam-wangchuk/>,
a modern take on an ancient glacier-grafting
<https://www.adaptation-undp.org/sites/default/files/resources/glof-ii-glaciar_grafting.pdf>
 technique. By redirecting meltwater from glaciers, Wangchuk has created
frozen stupas that reach twelve storeys high and can hold more than twelve
million litres of water. His inspiration was a folktale about a mother and
father glacier being moved into a cave to create a baby glacier; he often
cites this as a way of saying that Indigenous knowledge systems have
answers for the future. Similar structures have been created in Chile,
Pakistan and Nepal.

Since 2019, Wangchuk has worked with the Leh Apex Body and Kargil
Democratic Alliance to unite the Buddhists and Muslims of Ladakh,
advocating for autonomy under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian
Constitution. This grants local councils the legislative and administrative
authority to manage land, resources and development projects while
preserving tribal identity through the establishment of Autonomous District
Councils.

Ladakh connects the subcontinent to Central Asia via Afghanistan.
Petroglyphs of humped camels and mounted warriors suggest that Ladakh’s
trade networks are thousands of years old. Apricot farmers from Baltiyul
(now in Pakistan), pashmina shepherds from Changthang (China) or yak
herders from Demchok (Tibet) may have once ‘sauntered into these lands
absent-mindedly’, Vaijayanti Kharé writes in *Questioning Ladakh*. The
Partition of India and the shutdown of the Sino-Tibetan border mean that
Ladakh can now be accessed only from India. Since the 2020 cross-border
skirmishes with China, the Indian Army has intensified its presence. The
National Thermal Power Corporation joined hands with the Indian Army to
supply remote outposts with ‘round-the-clock’ green energy.

In 2022, the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation abruptly halted a geothermal
energy project in the Puga Valley. Geothermal fluid was leaking into the
river, a tributary of the Indus; the closest village was only two and a
half kilometres away. The project was later relaunched in collaboration
with the Icelandic GeoSurvey.

The Modi government’s approach to the Indian peripheries, especially those
on the Himalayan belt – Kashmir, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, Assam – is to
manufacture consent for rapid militarisation by framing these regions as
politically unstable. Militarisation goes hand in hand with industry. A
pattern has emerged: special protections are dismantled, local leaders are
delegitimised, resistance is branded as terrorism and met with force. But
Indigenous protest movements endure across the country: the Lepcha
community in Sikkim mobilises to protect the sacred Teesta River; in
Odisha’s Niyamgiri hills, the Dongria Kondh have successfully stalled
bauxite mines. The Adivasi struggle against coal mining in the Hasdeo Arand
forest in Chhattisgarh continues despite court rulings against their right
to land, as does the Pathalgadi movement in Jharkhand, which invokes
constitutional provisions to resist dispossession. A 350-kilometre protest
march arrived in Jodphur this week, demanding Wangchuk’s release.

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