Herald, 30 May 2008

Infrastructure Development: To What End?

By Vidyadhar Gadgil

The agitation against mega-projects in Goa, which are changing the
character and nature of Goan villages and causing tremendous
ecological damage, is acquiring greater strength and spreading to
every nook and corner of Goa. Similar movements against mining and
the excesses of the tourism industry have also emerged, and the
entire phenomenon is threatening the political establishment,
which is now closing ranks across party lines against people’s
expression of their democratic rights.

But in the midst of all this, one aspect of ‘development’ that
goes relatively unchallenged is infrastructure development by the
government. Many of these government projects are huge and can
cause incalculable damage, but there seems to be a tacit
acceptance that these projects are necessary. Among the grandiose
projects on the anvil are the airport at Mopa, the four-laning of
the NH17 stretch passing through Goa, and the construction of
various bridges, most importantly the one across the river Zuari.
There are also proposals for cricket stadia and, if the plans to
host the 2011 National Games fructify, an entire games village.
And there is a plethora of smaller infrastructure projects at
various stages of implementation across Goa.

The government is not bound by the same regulations and
restrictions as are private builders. Since government projects
are presumably for infrastructure and are based on projected
future needs, they are accorded a certain level of sanctity.
Aiding this are colonial-era legislations like the Land
Acquisition Act, which enables the government to acquire land for
public purposes. In Goa, amendments have been brought in to the
TCP Act to exempt government projects from the restrictions
imposed by the Regional Plan.

It could be argued that in the early years of independent India
this was necessary. India had, in Nehru’s words, a ‘tryst with
destiny’, and this tryst was to be kept through the ‘temples’ of
modern India -- massive dams, public sector industries and a
variety of infrastructure projects. There was very little
questioning of the development process in those hopeful days. But
subsequent evidence has shown that many of the projects were
essentially white elephants. Furthermore, the costs and benefits
were very inequitably distributed. The costs  were paid by the
poorest of the poor, including tribals and scheduled castes; the
benefits were cornered by the elites and the middle classes.

While the record of planned development is pretty dismal, at least
one could argue that it appeared to be the best possible strategy
to bring the country out of poverty, and did yield some short-term
benefits .  The motivation, at least, was positive. But that began
to change in the 1980s and 1990s with the onset of neoliberalism.
The theory was that the government had failed in bringing about
development, and that the process should now be left to ‘market
forces’, i.e., the private sector.

But what has actually happened is a strengthening of the nexus
between the government and the private sector; the powers of the
government have been placed at the service of the private sector.
One sees this in the case of the SEZs. If there were really a
belief in market-led development, private parties should have been
left to go to the market and acquire land to set up SEZs. Instead,
government powers have been used to acquire large swathes of land
below market price. These are then turned over to the promoters of
SEZs, in what is nothing but a massive real estate scam. In places
like Chhattisgarh, the powers of the government have been used to
create private armies like the Salwa Judum, to enable the tribal
population to be dispossessed of their lands, which can then be
turned over to industrial groups.

In Goa, while this syndrome has been operating with the SEZs, IT
parks and food parks, it has also been happening in the case of
various realty projects, where the government acts as an enabling
mechanism for private sector players to reap their profits. This
was evident from a recent statement by Amar Britto of Acron
Developers. Reacting to the protests against mega-projects, he
points out  that “poor infrastructure is at the heart of many of
our problems”, and that this is the problem that should be tackled
rather than opposing mega-projects. In other words, the government
should provide the infrastructure to enable developers to build
their projects and reap their profits, irrespective of the fact
that these mega-projects are of no benefit to the people at large.

Another major flaw in infrastructure development is that it is
based on projections  made on the assumption that things can
continue indefinitely just as they are now -- that natural
resources are inexhaustible and that we can continue to exploit
them forever, without irreversible damage to the environment.
There are two aspects here: the first is about the desirability of
allowing such a process to continue, when the ill-effects are all
around us; and the second is the issue of whether such a process
can continue. Already the worldwide food crisis indicates that all
is not well with agriculture. There are clear signs of an
environmental breakdown, of which global warming is the clearest
sign. And the continuing rise in the prices of oil is only going
to get worse. Yet plans are made for more and more infrastructure
without taking any of this into account.

The recent draft report of the Task Force on the Regional Plan
indicates that no lessons have been learnt. The profuse rhetoric
about transparency and people’s participation notwithstanding,
there are no actual mechanisms to achieve these. The village-level
survey, which was supposed to provide crucial inputs into this
process, has not been conducted. Essentially, there has been no
attempt to gauge the genuine needs of the people. But none of this
has deterred the government from going ahead with its planning
exercise. After all, planning is not really about people’s needs.
As long as the road is cleared for more and more projects to be
approved, things are fine. As Steven Wilkinson has pointed out in
a study “The Politics of Infrastructural Spending in India”,
infrastructural projects are essentially about building political
support and about channelling money to politicians and parties.

The rot has reached quite serious proportions, with all concepts
being twisted into their opposites. Improving education means that
centralised school complexes will be built. Beautification of a
riverside means that invaluable mangroves will be destroyed to be
replaced by concrete. A bridge across a river, more than being a
link between two places, becomes an unnecessarily expensive
tourist attraction. In such a scenario, citizens need to be
vigilant and examine all proposals for infrastructure projects
with caution. We need to critically examine whether all this
infrastructure is really needed, or whether it will only lead to
further growth that will create a need for yet more infrastructure
projects, in a mutually destructive circle.


-- 
Question everything -- Karl Marx



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