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Saturday, February 28, 2009


 <http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2009/02/creeping-fascism.html> Creeping
Fascism 


As the Political C lass Fiddles... 

 

 

After the 2002 state-supported pogroms against Muslims in Gujarat, India has
been remarkably free from large-scale civil violence. Instead, we have seen
the eruption of small but equally insidious incidents. Attacks on tribal
Christian communities in Orissa; violence against ethnic groups in
Maharashtra; Maoist terror in Central India; insurgencies in Kashmir and the
Northeast; and now, organized assaults on urban youth in Karnataka.

The rise of these local fascist groups is a growing phenomenon. Their
protest is not political: against secularism, which is the BJP/RSS agenda;
or against class like the Communists. Their beef is against modernization, a
sweeping phenomenon that embraces lifestyle, art and entertainment. The core
of their dogma is feudal: a revolt against practices such as intermingling
of sexes, "Western" ways of dressing and entertainment, freedom of
expression and non-hierarchical behavior.

These thuggish bands don't stand for anything but are defined by what they
are against. Even then, there is no consistency and their targets are wholly
arbitrary. The only thing they concede to modernity is the media; they
always take care to inform the media before they strike innocents. In fact,
their members are ridiculous and pathetic, easily contained by a police
force backed by political will. They are a bunch of maladjusted, violent
individuals, nevertheless dangerous in a mob.

Not too long ago, we were in Goa, where we attended the first showing of the
film Slumdog Millionaire at the Inox multiplex in Panjim's awesome Maquinez
Palace Plaza. We got there early only to find a television crew hanging
about. We thought the TV guys were there to get a reaction from viewers.
Soon, a bunch of sorry-looking men showed up and unfurled a banner
protesting that the film showed the Hindu mythological god Rama in a bad
light. They said they were the Hindu Janjagran Manch, a formation intended
to galvanize the Hindu majority against foreign influences.

 

Many of us argued with the demonstrators, asking why they were protesting
especially when they could not have seen the film. This was the first show;
unless they had seen a pirated DVD, in which case they had violated the laws
of intellectual property rights. I talked to their leader, who seemed
supremely unaware that India was governed by laws. He said the film was an
insult to Rama and must be banned. I told him there was no such provision in
the Constitution and he looked at me quizzically. Clearly, he did not know
that our country is governed by the Constitution. I explained to him that
Republic Day celebrated the charter. He walked away with an incredulous look
in his face, as though I was from Mars or some other planet.

In the event, we walked into the cinema hall to see the film. It was a slap
-in-the-face experience. There was a film that dealt with urban slum
dwellers made in 1963 by the leftist ideologue K A Abbas. Shehar aur Sapna
was a naïve treatise that combined elements of Marxism and romantic
anti-industrial zeal. It flopped at the box office but won the government's
National Film Award in 1964, largely because it suited the prevalent
socialist ideology. It was a depressing, nihilist film that I saw as a
teenager because like all kids growing up then, I was vaguely leftist.


Unlike Abbas's film, Danny Boyle's Slumdog Millionaire is uplifting.
Interviews with slum kids who saw the movie reveal they relate to it because
it gives them hope that they can escape the filth and poverty of the slums.
The Abbas film, on the other hand, was an indictment of the system. His
anger was directed against industrial development and the displacement and
anomie that accompany it. Sadly, even today, such attitudes are prevalent
among large sections of the privilegentsia. At a time of rapid urbanization
and explosive growth of the middle class, the old battles of caste and class
identity have largely been bypassed to be replaced by issues of governance. 

 

The Boyle film challenges the hopeless and bleak vision of urban poverty and
rural feudalism painted by books written by Rohinton Mistry (A Fine Balance)
and Arvind Adiga (White Tiger). It is also a love story and that sweetens
the film's relentless portrayal of slum life in today's India, especially
for Muslims. The moral is simple: you can escape poverty by the sheer dint
of individual effort. It's an important message to deliver, especially to
politicians who build vote banks of poverty. Even the political system has
been unable to deliver the basic minimum including primary education and
public health care.

Coming back to the showing of Slumdog Millionaire in Goa, we were shocked to
learn as we came out of the cinema hall that the peaceful protesters of the
Hindu Janjagran Manch were displaced by the hoodlums of the Shiv Sena, who
destroyed posters and threatened to break the glass frontage of the Inox box
office. In the event, the police came and took them away and no serious
damage was done.

It is a worrying situation because the mainstream political system is still
fighting the old battles of religion, caste and class. Instead of standing
resolutely against the rise of these fascist groups, mainstream politicians
have been equivocal in their response. Thus, Rajasthan chief minister Ashok
Gehlot felt compelled to condemn the rise of "pub culture," as did various
other politicians. They are blind to the incipient rise of local fascist
groups that target not Muslims or Dalits but those who represent the
emergent culture of achievement and optimism.

 

 

copyright rajiv desai 2009

 

A version of this article will be published in the forthcoming issue of
Education World.

 
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